{"id":10502,"date":"2022-04-27T09:26:13","date_gmt":"2022-04-27T09:26:13","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/?p=10502"},"modified":"2022-04-27T09:26:13","modified_gmt":"2022-04-27T09:26:13","slug":"heshtja-e-angela-s","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/2022\/04\/27\/heshtja-e-angela-s\/","title":{"rendered":"Heshtja e Angela-s"},"content":{"rendered":"

Pushtimi i Ukrain\u00ebs nga ana e Rusis\u00eb e ka p\u00ebrshpejtuar n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb mrekullueshme rishikimin e pun\u00ebs s\u00eb Angela Merkel.<\/strong><\/p>\n

Kur p\u00ebrfundoi mandati i kancelares Angela Merkel, vet\u00ebm 4 muaj m\u00eb par\u00eb, lavd\u00ebrimet p\u00ebr pun\u00ebn e saj t\u00eb 16 viteve t\u00eb fundit gjendet pothuajse n\u00eb \u00e7do burim shtypi. Lavd\u00ebrime q\u00eb rrall\u00eb mungojn\u00eb, edhe pse ndaj kujt nuk e meriton, n\u00eb momentin e lamtumir\u00ebs, por n\u00eb rastin e saj sigurisht t\u00eb merituara. Personalisht kisha hipotezuar se n\u00eb rastin e Merkel do t\u00eb duheshin midis 5 dhe 10 viteve p\u00ebrpara se t\u00eb fillonte ridimensionimi i personazhit t\u00eb saj n\u00eb diskutimin publik. Do t\u00eb thot\u00eb se ky proces p\u00ebr t\u00eb cilin duhet p\u00ebrcjell\u00eb n\u00eb unitet puna e nj\u00eb figure publike n\u00eb kontekstin e saj bashk\u00ebkohor, m\u00eb pas p\u00ebr ta rind\u00ebrtuar duke i vler\u00ebsuar impaktin. N\u00eb fund t\u00eb fundit, Merkel \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb personazh i N\u00ebnt\u00ebqind\u00ebs \u2013 ar\u00ebsyetoja \u2013 nj\u00eb epok\u00eb ku fama e shtetarit garantonte nj\u00eb jet\u00ebgjat\u00ebsi mjaft t\u00eb gjat\u00eb p\u00ebrpara r\u00ebnies nga olimpi. N\u00eb fakt, n\u00eb drit\u00ebn e luft\u00ebs n\u00eb Ukrain\u00eb dhe t\u00eb zgjedhjeve epokale q\u00eb kjo ka marr\u00eb n\u00eb qeverit\u00eb europiane dhe sidomos n\u00eb at\u00eb t\u00eb sapoulur n\u00eb Gjermani, paprekshm\u00ebria e Merkelit \u00ebsht\u00eb reduktuar ndjesh\u00ebm n\u00eb rreth 4 muaj.<\/p>\n

K\u00ebtu duhet t\u00eb b\u00ebhet nj\u00eb hap i vog\u00ebl prapa, p\u00ebr t\u00eb vler\u00ebsuar perspektiv\u00ebn n\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00ebsin\u00eb e saj. Si\u00e7 \u00ebsht\u00eb e nj\u00ebhur p\u00ebr k\u00eb jeton apo q\u00eb ka familjaritet me Gjermanin\u00eb, ekziston nj\u00eb perceptim shum\u00eb ndryshe i figur\u00ebs historike\u00a0 dhe politike t\u00eb Merkelit midis Gjermanis\u00eb dhe Italis\u00eb. N\u00eb Gjermani nuk ka nj\u00eb ndjenj\u00eb t\u00eb krahasueshme me korresponduesin italian q\u00eb b\u00ebn t\u00eb idealizohet figura e liderit, duke i amplifikuar dhuntit\u00eb dhe shmangur difektet, n\u00eb at\u00eb q\u00eb edhe quhet halo effect<\/em>. P\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj ndjenje ndryshe n\u00eb nisje, imazhi i Merkelit n\u00eb Itali \u00ebsht\u00eb shum\u00eb m\u00eb i lavd\u00ebruar se n\u00eb versionin gjerman. N\u00eb pik\u00ebn q\u00eb n\u00eb Gjermani prej vitesh flitej p\u00ebr Merkel \u2013 M\u00fcdigkeit<\/em>, nj\u00eb form\u00eb lodhjeje e p\u00ebrgjithshme p\u00ebr figur\u00ebn dhe zgjedhjet politike t\u00eb Merkelit, q\u00eb shtynte drejt nj\u00eb d\u00ebshire p\u00ebr risi. \u00cbsht\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u2019u th\u00ebn\u00eb se Merkeli gjith\u00ebsesi rikonfirmohet akoma n\u00eb 2017 n\u00eb drejtimin e vendit pavar\u00ebsisht k\u00ebsaj ndjenje, gj\u00eb q\u00eb ndoshta thot\u00eb edhe shum\u00eb p\u00ebr frik\u00ebn e re nga ana e votuesit gjerman. N\u00eb Itali fama prej shtetareje e Merkelit \u00ebsht\u00eb konsoliduar tashm\u00eb prej vitesh, ka hyr\u00eb v\u00ebrtet n\u00eb mit si gjilp\u00ebra e balanc\u00ebs s\u00eb politik\u00ebs europiane dhe si pik\u00eb referimi edhe p\u00ebr marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet politiko \u2013 ekonomike ekstraeuropiane. Kjo p\u00ebrshtypje sigurisht q\u00eb n\u00eb pjes\u00ebn m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe i detyrohet familjaritetit t\u00eb pak\u00ebt q\u00eb ekziston n\u00eb Itali mbi aspektet e p\u00ebrgjithshme e asetit qeveris\u00ebs federal t\u00eb Gjermanis\u00eb. P\u00ebr t\u00eb cilin \u00ebsht\u00eb prirur shpesh t\u00eb thjesht\u00ebzohet dhe t\u00eb jepet ideja se \u201cn\u00eb Gjermani komandon Merkel\u201d, nj\u00eb vizion i pamundur p\u00ebr t\u2019u mb\u00ebshtetur n\u00ebse ndiqet nga af\u00ebr politika gjermane: pandemia ka dh\u00ebn\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn t\u00eb eksplorohen bollsh\u00ebm implikimet e procesit vendimmarr\u00ebs, si n\u00eb nivel federal, ashtu edhe n\u00eb nivelin e landev, me zgjatje t\u00eb gjata d\u00ebshp\u00ebruese dhe nd\u00ebrprerje t\u00eb papritura.<\/p>\n

E b\u00ebr\u00eb kjo premis\u00eb, mundet ndoshta ta imagjinoni buj\u00ebn nga ana gjermane kur zbulojn\u00eb se n\u00eb Itali n\u00eb shum\u00eb \u2013 midis t\u00eb cilave edhe figura dikur me pesh\u00eb politike t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme, si Matteo Renzi \u2013 kan\u00eb apeluar nd\u00ebrhyrjen e Merkelit p\u00ebr t\u00eb zgjidhur kund\u00ebrshtit\u00eb n\u00eb Ukrain\u00eb, pak p\u00ebrpara se t\u00eb \u00e7elej konflikti dhe n\u00eb dit\u00ebt e para t\u00eb luft\u00ebs. Disa gazeta gjermane i kan\u00eb p\u00ebrcjell\u00eb k\u00ebto apele si nj\u00eb kurozitet, nj\u00eb \u00e7ik\u00eb sikur zbulohet nga Wikipedia se princi Filip (bashk\u00ebshorti i ndjer\u00eb i mbret\u00ebresh\u00ebs aktuale Elizabet e II e Anglis\u00eb) ka qen\u00eb p\u00ebr dekada objekt i nj\u00eb t\u00eb ashtuquajturi cargo-cult<\/em><\/a> q\u00eb e shihte si figur\u00eb hyjnore, n\u00eb gjendje t\u2019i sjell\u00eb begati popullsis\u00eb. Por nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb vet\u00ebm perceptimi ndryshe i Merkelit dhe i aft\u00ebsive t\u00eb saj nd\u00ebrmjet\u00ebsuese, p\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr t\u00eb njohura, p\u00ebr ta b\u00ebr\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb rrug\u00eb jo t\u00eb praktikueshme ose m\u00eb mir\u00eb: t\u00eb veproj\u00eb q\u00eb askush t\u00eb mos e avancoj\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb propozim me t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtin entuziaz\u00ebm k\u00ebtu n\u00eb Gjermani. Elefanti n\u00eb dhom\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb prej pikave m\u00eb kontradiktore t\u00eb pax merkeliane<\/em> t\u00eb gjat\u00eb, dometh\u00ebn\u00eb menaxhimin e raporteve me Rusin\u00eb sidomos n\u00eb planin ekonomik dhe n\u00eb furnizimin energjitik.<\/p>\n

Elementi baz\u00eb i politik\u00ebs s\u00eb jashtme t\u00eb Merkelit ka qen\u00eb gjithmon\u00eb Wandel durch Handel<\/em> \u2013 \u201cndryshim (i n\u00ebnkuptuar edhe n\u00eb kuptimin demokratik) n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet treg\u00ebtis\u00eb\u201d. Nj\u00eb vizion shpres\u00ebdh\u00ebn\u00ebs, sipas t\u00eb cilit shk\u00ebmbimet treg\u00ebtare do t\u00eb krijonin nj\u00eb nd\u00ebrvar\u00ebsi pozitive, t\u00eb till\u00eb sa ta b\u00ebnin t\u00eb pad\u00ebshiruesh\u00ebm nj\u00eb konflikt n\u00eb plane t\u00eb tjera. Ky vizion i raporteve \u00ebsht\u00eb zbatuar edhe n\u00eb vitet e qeveris\u00eb Merkel si me Kin\u00ebn, ashtu edhe me Rusin\u00eb, duke ruajtur at\u00eb q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb quajtur nj\u00eb ambiguitet gjeostrategjik me t\u00eb dyja, q\u00eb t\u00eb mund t\u00eb maksimalizoj\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet treg\u00ebtare, duke hipotezuar nj\u00eb reciprocitet n\u00eb q\u00ebllimet e homologes. N\u00eb rastin e Kin\u00ebs, p\u00ebrve\u00e7 se t\u00eb krijoj\u00eb nj\u00eb f\u00ebrkim t\u00eb menj\u00ebhersh\u00ebm me administrat\u00ebn e re Biden, e prirur q\u00eb t\u00eb krijoj\u00eb nj\u00eb front per\u00ebndimor p\u00ebr t\u2019i vendosur dig\u00ebn hegjemonis\u00eb kineze n\u00eb aspekte t\u00eb ndjeshme (rasti i ndalimit t\u00eb Huawei, ligj me firm\u00ebn e Biden) ka prodhuar nj\u00eb zhbilancim impenjimi nga ana gjermane: Kina \u00ebsht\u00eb partneri m\u00eb madh treg\u00ebtar i Gjermanis\u00eb, me nj\u00eb v\u00ebllim vjetor prej rreth 200 miliard eurosh, n\u00eb nj\u00eb kontekst ku jan\u00eb shum\u00eb tep\u00ebr punonj\u00ebsit kinez\u00eb n\u00eb kompanit\u00eb gjermane dhe \u00ebsht\u00eb shum\u00eb m\u00eb e madhe blerja e produkteve kineze nga Gjermania sesa e kund\u00ebrta. Kurse n\u00eb rastin Huawei, Gjermanis\u00eb ju desh\u00ebn thuajse 2 vite koh\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u2019u pozicionuar, duke p\u00ebrfunduar p\u00ebr t\u2019u rreshtuar me direktivat e Bashkimit Europian, n\u00eb nj\u00eb klim\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrgjithshme tronditjeje nga ana e leigjv\u00ebn\u00ebsve prej q\u00ebndrimit pasiv t\u00eb Merkelit lidhur me \u00e7\u00ebshtjen.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb rastin e Rusis\u00eb situata si\u00e7 \u00ebsht\u00eb e njohur \u00ebsht\u00eb po aq komplekse. Deri n\u00eb 2011, dometh\u00ebn\u00eb deri n\u00eb phase-out e dyt\u00eb b\u00ebrthamor t\u00eb parashikuar nga Energiewende<\/em>, Gjermania nuk kishte urgjenc\u00eb ta integronte m\u00eb tej furnizimin e saj energjitik n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet burimesh t\u00eb huaja. Vendimet e marra n\u00eb ato vite kan\u00eb p\u00ebrcaktuar pjes\u00ebn m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe t\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00ebsive t\u00eb sotme, n\u00eb nj\u00eb bot\u00eb t\u00eb \u201ckrijuar\u201d nga Merkeli, por pa Merkelin. P\u00ebr t\u00eb par\u00eb n\u00eb detaje cili \u00ebsht\u00eb konteksti ku ka zgjedhur t\u00eb mos e ofroj\u00eb m\u00eb z\u00ebrin e saj, \u00ebsht\u00eb e dobishme t\u00eb spostohet v\u00ebmendja mbi \u00e7ka po ndodh me SPD: eksponent\u00eb t\u00eb ndrysh\u00ebm t\u00eb partis\u00eb jan\u00eb n\u00eb mbik\u00ebqyrje t\u00eb rrept\u00eb pse kan\u00eb kontribuar n\u00eb t\u00eb kaluar\u00ebn t\u00eb lidhin rpaorte treg\u00ebtare me Rusin\u00eb dhe pse kan\u00eb mbrojtur iniciativa si gazsjell\u00ebsit Nord Stream 1 e 2. Deri edhe Politico<\/em> e rizbulon shprehjen \u201cidiot\u00eb t\u00eb dobish\u00ebm\u201d p\u00ebr t\u00eb apostrofuar lider\u00ebt gjerman\u00eb q\u00eb i kan\u00eb sh\u00ebrbyer interesave t\u00eb Putinit t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn qysh nga 2008.<\/p>\n

Sot \u00ebsht\u00eb e leht\u00eb t\u00eb rip\u00ebrshkruhet kronologjia e ngjarjeve q\u00eb kan\u00eb \u00e7uar n\u00eb realizimin e Nord Stream 1 dhe Nord Stream 2, si\u00e7 \u00ebsht\u00eb po aq e leht\u00eb t\u00eb hiqet filli p\u00ebrcjell\u00ebs q\u00eb \u00e7on tek vendimet e marra nga eksponent\u00eb t\u00eb SPD dhe CDU. Po ta shikosh mir\u00eb, gjenden menj\u00ebher\u00eb edhe brengat nga ana e Ukrain\u00ebs, nga Polonia dhe e republikave balltike, preokupues p\u00ebr implikimet gjeopolitike t\u00eb asaj q\u00eb e konsideronin nj\u00eb gabim trashanik: q\u00eb mund t\u00eb ket\u00eb nj\u00eb distanc\u00eb sigurie midis Rusis\u00eb si partner ekonomik dhe Rusis\u00eb si aktor politik.\u00a0Nuk ka dyshim q\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnia me Rusin\u00eb t\u00eb jet\u00eb speciale p\u00ebr Gjermanin\u00eb: ka nj\u00eb form\u00eb mir\u00ebnjohjeje p\u00ebr ribashkimin, bashkuar me nj\u00eb ndjenj\u00eb faji prej p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsive historike gjermane pas mizorive t\u00eb Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Dyt\u00eb Bot\u00ebrore, por se tani \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb maksimalisht i qart\u00eb sesi Gjermania ka edhe p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsi hisotrike bashk\u00ebkohore kundrejt Ukrain\u00ebs, shteteve balltike dhe vendeve t\u00eb Europ\u00ebs Lindore, n\u00eb vij\u00ebn e par\u00eb t\u00eb rrezikut tani q\u00eb ekuilibri (ndoshta gjithmon\u00eb iluziv) \u00ebsht\u00eb prishur.<\/p>\n

Sidomos SPD \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb sh\u00ebnjest\u00ebr, p\u00ebrve\u00e7se p\u00ebr ar\u00ebsye historike t\u00eb lidhura me Ostpolitik\u00ebn<\/em>, edhe p\u00ebr nj\u00eb seri personalitetesh q\u00eb jan\u00eb ekspozuar n\u00eb vitet e fundit p\u00ebr t\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetur kontratat me Gazpromin dhe prej ngurrimit p\u00ebr ta kritikuar Rusin\u00eb. N\u00ebse tashm\u00eb duhet t\u2019i konsiderojm\u00eb postet e ndryshme financiare t\u00eb Schroeder si nj\u00eb kapitull m\u00eb vete, ka mund\u00ebsi t\u00eb parikuperuesh\u00ebm, dhe nj\u00eb burim telashi p\u00ebr SPD aktuale dhe p\u00ebr Gjermanin\u00eb m\u00eb pas, nuk mund as t\u00eb presim q\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrfundoj\u00eb k\u00ebtu k\u00ebrkimi i p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsis\u00eb midis socialdemokrat\u00ebve. Kushdo q\u00eb ka zhvilluar aktivitete lobimi n\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetje t\u00eb gazit rus \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb spotlight<\/em>. S\u00eb fundmi Manuela Schwesig, kryeministre e Meclemburg \u2013 Pomeranis\u00eb s\u00eb Sip\u00ebrme, q\u00eb kishte mb\u00ebshtetur gjithmon\u00eb me bindje projektin Nord Stream 2: gazsjell\u00ebsi arrin territorin gjerman pik\u00ebrisht n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet landit t\u00eb saj. N\u00eb dit\u00ebt e fundit kan\u00eb dal\u00eb detaje t\u00eb reja mbi bashk\u00ebpunimin midis qeveris\u00eb lokale dhe operatorit t\u00eb gazsjell\u00ebsit. Sidomos, lidhur me nd\u00ebrtimin e kontradiktorit Klimastiftung MV<\/em> (Fondacion p\u00ebr Mbrojtjen e Klim\u00ebs dhe Mjedisit Mecklenburg-Vorpommern<\/em>). Q\u00ebllim i fondacionit ishte promovimi i projekteve p\u00ebr mbrojtjen e klim\u00ebs dhe ruajtjen e natyr\u00ebs n\u00eb shtetin Mecklenburg-Vorpommern<\/em> (MV) dhe n\u00eb af\u00ebrsit\u00eb e brigjeve t\u00eb shteteve q\u00eb dalin n\u00eb Detin Balltik. Megjithat\u00eb, p\u00ebrve\u00e7 atij t\u00eb kompletimit t\u00eb gazsjell\u00ebsit Nord Stream 2, objektivi kryesor duket se ka qen\u00eb ai i xhirimit t\u00eb sanksioneve amerikane lidhur me nd\u00ebrtimin e gazsjell\u00ebsit.<\/p>\n

Me pushtimin e Ukrain\u00ebs nga ana e Rusis\u00eb, qeveria federale ka pezulluar miratimin e gazsjell\u00ebsit dhe fati i fondacionit \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb i paqart\u00eb: Manuela Schwesig ia ka njoftuar shkrirjen me 28 shkurt, por FDP dhe t\u00eb Gjelb\u00ebrit kam\u00eb k\u00ebrkuar q\u00eb t\u00eb krijohet nj\u00eb komision hetimor mbi qasjen e qeverisjes s\u00eb tij lidhur me Nord Stream 2 dhe me fondacionin. Komisioni hetimor \u00ebsht\u00eb krijuar m\u00eb 14 prill. N\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb ve\u00e7ant\u00eb, ende nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb e qart\u00eb se \u00e7far\u00eb do t\u00eb ndodh\u00eb n\u00eb kryeqytetin e fondacionit: landi i Meklemburg \u2013 Pomeranis\u00eb s\u00eb Sip\u00ebrme ka investuar 200000 euro, nd\u00ebrsa Nord Stream 2 AG\/Gazprom fillimisht ka furnizuar 20 milion euro, q\u00eb m\u00eb pas jan\u00eb rritur n\u00eb 60 milion. N\u00eb shtojc\u00eb t\u00eb kapitalit fillestar, me hyrjen n\u00eb fuqi t\u00eb gasjell\u00ebsit fondacionit i \u00ebsht\u00eb dashur t\u00eb marr\u00eb nj\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetje t\u00eb m\u00ebtejshme vjetore. Duket se fatkeq\u00ebsisht nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb e mundur t\u00eb ndiqet propozimi p\u00ebr ta ridestinuar kapitalin e fondacionit n\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetje t\u00eb viktimave ukrainase t\u00eb luft\u00ebs. Fondacioni ishte miratuar nga parlamenti i landit m\u00eb 2021, edhe me mb\u00ebshtetjen e CDU, partner koalicioni i SPD, q\u00eb shprehte ministri i Ekonomis\u00eb Harry Glawe dhe ministrja e Drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb Katy Hoffmeister, kjo e fundit p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebse e mbik\u00ebqyrjes s\u00eb fondacionit.<\/p>\n

Projekti i gazsjell\u00ebsit ka krijuar rrjete dhe nyje t\u00eb panum\u00ebrta midis politikan\u00ebve federal\u00eb, administrator\u00ebve lokal dhe subjekteve financiare. Tani \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb simboli aq m\u00eb pak i nj\u00eb gabimi trashanik dhe, pashmangshm\u00ebrisht, kushdo q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb i p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb gjen nj\u00eb njoll\u00eb n\u00eb reputacion q\u00eb nuk do t\u00eb lahet leht\u00ebsisht. E di mir\u00eb edhe presidenti i Republik\u00ebs Federale Frank-Walter Steinmeier. An\u00ebtar i SPD, ka pasur poste t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme n\u00eb qeverit\u00eb me udh\u00ebheqje Schroeder dhe Merkel: si minist\u00ebr i Jasht\u00ebm n\u00eb qeverin\u00eb e Angela Merkelit dhe shef i zyr\u00ebs s\u00eb kancelarit Gerhard Schr\u00f6der, ka qen\u00eb p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebs i politik\u00ebs s\u00eb jashtme t\u00eb Gjermanis\u00eb p\u00ebr rreth 15 vjet. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb klim\u00eb t\u00eb re politike, pasZeitenwende<\/em>, Steinmeier ka pranuar se ka kryer gabime n\u00eb politik\u00ebn e saj ndaj Rusis\u00eb. Ka deklaruar: \u201cAderimi im n\u00eb Nord Stream 2 ka qen\u00eb qartazi nj\u00eb gabim. Jemi kapur pas urash n\u00eb t\u00eb cilat Rusia nuk besonte m\u00eb dhe ku partner\u00ebt tan\u00eb na kishin paralajm\u00ebruar\u201d. \u201cVler\u00ebsimi im ishte se Vladimir Putini nuk do ta pranonte shkat\u00ebrrimin e plot\u00eb ekonomik, politik dhe moral t\u00eb vendit t\u00eb tij p\u00ebr manin\u00eb e tij perandorake \u2013 k\u00ebtu, si t\u00eb tjet\u00ebrt, gabohesha\u201d. \u201cNuk kemi arritur t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtojm\u00eb nj\u00eb sht\u00ebpi t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt europiane ku Rusia t\u00eb jet\u00eb e p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb. Kemi d\u00ebshtuar n\u00eb qasjen e p\u00ebrfshirjes s\u00eb Rusisi n\u00eb arkitektur\u00ebn e siguris\u00eb s\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt\u201d.<\/p>\n

Nj\u00eb pranim i kalibrit t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00eb, q\u00eb do t\u00eb duhej ta b\u00ebnte m\u00eb t\u00eb thjesht\u00eb pun\u00ebn e Olaf Scholz, i impenjuar n\u00eb kontrat\u00ebn e koalicionit qeveris\u00ebs t\u00eb rip\u00ebrcaktonte marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet me Rusin\u00eb, por i l\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00ebsi nga k\u00ebmb\u00ebngulja e Schroeder n\u00eb mbajtjet e poteve n\u00eb kolos\u00ebt rus\u00eb t\u00eb energjis\u00eb. Mendohej edhe nj\u00eb leht\u00ebsim i marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve diplomatike me Ukrain\u00ebn, por ky rrug\u00ebtim ka rezultuar m\u00eb i v\u00ebshtir\u00eb se parashikimi. Mea culpa e Steinmeier futet p\u00ebrkoh\u00ebsisht menj\u00ebhr\u00eb pas akuzave t\u00eb ngritura nga Zelensky p\u00ebr Merkel dhe Sarkozy: pas zbulimit t\u00eb masakr\u00ebs s\u00eb Bu\u00e7as, Zelensky ka ftuar Merkel dhe Sarkozy q\u00eb t\u00eb shkojn\u00eb n\u00eb vend p\u00ebr ta par\u00eb me syt\u00eb e tyre \u201c\u00e7far\u00eb ka sjell\u00eb politika 14 vje\u00e7are e l\u00ebshimeve ndaj Rusis\u00eb\u201d. Referimi \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebr samitin e NATO n\u00eb Bukuresht m\u00eb 2008: Merkel dhe Sarkozy ju kund\u00ebrvun\u00eb hyrjes s\u00eb Ukrain\u00ebs n\u00eb NATO, p\u00ebr faktor\u00eb t\u00eb ndrysh\u00ebm, por sidomos prej paq\u00ebndrueshm\u00ebris\u00eb politike t\u00eb brendshme t\u00eb vendit n\u00eb ato vite. N\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet nj\u00eb z\u00ebdh\u00ebn\u00ebsi, Merkeli \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrgjigjur se thekson akoma sot vendimet n\u00eb raport me samitin e NATO 2008, duke shprehur edhe urimin q\u00eb mizorit\u00eb n\u00eb Ukrain\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrfundojn\u00eb sa m\u00eb shpejt t\u00eb jet\u00eb e mundur dhe se n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb drejtim shkojn\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha p\u00ebrpjekjet e qeveris\u00eb federale dhe t\u00eb bashk\u00ebsis\u00eb nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare.<\/p>\n

Ndoshta marrjet p\u00ebrsip\u00ebr t\u00eb fajeve personale dhe kolektive t\u00eb Steinmeier do t\u00eb mund t\u2019i hapnin rrug\u00ebn rr\u00ebfimeve t\u00eb tjera, por k\u00ebshtu nuk ka qen\u00eb dhe nuk ka qen\u00eb n\u00eb realitet as koha. Steinmeier kishte parashikuar t\u00eb shkonte n\u00eb Kiev me president\u00ebt e Estonis\u00eb, Letonis\u00eb, Lituanis\u00eb dhe Polonis\u00eb m\u00eb 13 prill. Megjithat\u00eb, k\u00ebrkesa e tij p\u00ebr nj\u00eb takim \u00ebsht\u00eb refuzuar nga Zelensky, p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb lidhjeve t\u00eb dikurshme midis Steinmeier dhe ministrit t\u00eb Jasht\u00ebm rus, Sergei Lavrov, dhe p\u00ebr mb\u00ebshtetjen e tij ndaj raporteve ekonomike ruso \u2013 gjermane gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb t\u00eb ngushta. Q\u00ebllimi i vizit\u00ebs ishte \u201ct\u2019i d\u00ebrgohej nj\u00eb mesazh i fort\u00eb solidarieteti europian me Ukrain\u00ebn\u201d, por qartazi ky gjest nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb pritur mir\u00eb n\u00ebse shprehej nga ana e Steinmeier, pavar\u00ebsisht mea culpa. Apo ndoshta pik\u00ebrisht p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb frik\u00ebsuar nj\u00eb instrumentalizimin, dometh\u00ebn\u00eb se Steinmeier donte ta vuloste politik\u00ebn e tij t\u00eb re me nj\u00eb photo opportunity <\/em>n\u00eb Kiev, dhe kjo nuk ka p\u00eblqyer.<\/p>\n

Ambasadori ukrainas n\u00eb Gjermani, Andriy Melnyk, q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb ndeshur n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrs\u00ebritur me politikan\u00ebt gjerman\u00eb \u2013 dhe sidomos me Steinmeier \u2013 e kishte kritikuar vizit\u00ebn e presidentit duke th\u00ebn\u00eb se Ukraina nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb e interesuar p\u00ebr vizita simbolike q\u00eb nuk \u00e7ojn\u00eb n\u00eb dor\u00ebzimin e arm\u00ebve. N\u00eb dit\u00ebt e m\u00ebparshme kishte sqaruar se Scholz do t\u00eb ishte i mir\u00ebpritur. Mbi k\u00ebt\u00eb linj\u00eb, k\u00ebshilltari presidencial ukrainas Oleksiy Arestovych ka deklaruar se vizita e kancelarit do t\u00eb ishte e preferueshme, pasi kancelari mund t\u00eb marr\u00eb direkt vendime praktike, p\u00ebrfshi dor\u00ebzimet e arm\u00ebve dhe embargon e gazit dhe naft\u00ebs ruse (presidenti gjerman ka nj\u00eb rol gjer\u00ebsisht ceremonial, nd\u00ebrsa kancelari \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb krye t\u00eb qeveris\u00eb). P\u00ebr momentin nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb e qart\u00eb n\u00ebse ky dallim i ka qet\u00ebsuar apo shqet\u00ebsuar m\u00eb tej si raportet me Ukrain\u00ebn, ashtu edhe vendimet e Scholz, i shtypur nga brenda edhe nga t\u00eb Gjelb\u00ebrit q\u00eb shtyjn\u00eb p\u00ebr d\u00ebrgimin e arm\u00ebve t\u00eb r\u00ebnda dhe jo m\u00eb vet\u00ebm mbrojt\u00ebse. Nd\u00ebrsa nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb dikush fillin t\u00eb pyetet s\u00ebrish ata q\u00eb duhet t\u00eb t\u00eb turp\u00ebrohen t\u00eb jen\u00eb gjerman\u00ebt. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kontekst ndryshimesh t\u00eb forta, nuk duhet habitur p\u00ebr heshtjen e Merkelit. Q\u00ebndrimi i saj n\u00eb koh\u00eb krize ka qen\u00eb gjithmon\u00eb i qart\u00eb: t\u00eb veproj\u00eb kur mund ta parashikoj\u00eb qart\u00ebsisht efektin e nj\u00eb veprimi dhe t\u00eb gjitha reperkusionet e tij. \u00cbsht\u00eb ndoshta ky nj\u00eb prej tipareve m\u00eb \u2018900 t\u00eb figur\u00ebs s\u00eb saj: iluzioni i kontrollit mbi nj\u00eb num\u00ebr t\u00eb kufizuar ndryshores, nj\u00eb comfort zone<\/em> vendimmarr\u00ebs e pashqet\u00ebsuar nga ripple effect, <\/em>n\u00eb nj\u00eb far\u00eb m\u00ebnyre e mbijetuar deri n\u00eb epok\u00ebn e algoritmeve t\u00eb studiuar pik\u00ebrisht p\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb n\u00eb fakt numrin maksimal e ndryshoreve t\u00eb mundshme.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebr momentin \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb zhvillim nj\u00eb rr\u00ebmim i fuqish\u00ebm nga ana e opinionit publik lidhur me p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsit\u00eb e kaluara: edhe k\u00ebrkimfalja duket shum\u00eb pak, si\u00e7 e demonstron \u00e7far\u00eb i ka ndodhur Steinmeier. Megjithat\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb e pamundur q\u00eb t\u00eb jet\u00eb ky preokupimi p\u00ebr t\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb t\u00eb mbizot\u00ebroj\u00eb ende heshtja. Po aq e pamundur q\u00eb pret nj\u00eb moment ku nj\u00eb cik\u00ebl i ri narrative dhe i kthen autoritetin e kaluar: narrativa mbi vet\u00ebvendosjen e Ukrain\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb dominuese dhe e destinuar t\u00eb zgjas\u00eb vite, cila do q\u00eb t\u00eb jet\u00eb koh\u00ebzgjatja e luft\u00ebs. \u00cbsht\u00eb tejet e pamundur q\u00eb t\u00eb jet\u00eb nj\u00eb spirale n\u00eb koh\u00eb t\u00eb dobishme p\u00ebr nj\u00eb \u201cua kisha th\u00ebn\u00eb\u201d, q\u00eb megjithat\u00eb nuk do t\u00eb ishte n\u00eb stilin e saj. Nuk duket as e interesuar t\u2019u p\u00ebrgjigjet provokimeve t\u00eb fundit t\u00eb Melnyk, q\u00eb e ka ftuar t\u00eb marr\u00eb nj\u00eb pozicion mbi politik\u00ebn ndaj Rusis\u00eb. \u201cI kemi besuar thuajse verbazi Angela Merkelit. Kishte nj\u00eb besim t\u00eb madh n\u00eb bindjen se ajo mund t\u2019i vler\u00ebsonte dhe t\u2019i rregullonte m\u00eb mir\u00eb gj\u00ebrat. Askush nuk ishte m\u00eb af\u00ebr Putinit sa ajo personalisht (\u2026). Askush m\u00eb mir\u00eb se ajo nuk e dinte sesa qen\u00eb t\u00eb tendosura raportet midis Rusis\u00eb dhe Ukrain\u00ebs dhe se Putini nuk e do nj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje, por shkat\u00ebrrimin e atdheut tim. Megjithat\u00eb, qysh n\u00eb 2015, Berlini ka vendosur n\u00eb favor t\u00eb Nord Stream 2 dhe kund\u00ebr dor\u00ebzimit t\u00eb arm\u00ebve Ukrain\u00ebs. Mendoj se do t\u00eb ishte e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme edhe p\u00ebr Gjermanin\u00eb q\u00eb zonja Merkel t\u00eb shprehej\u201d, ka th\u00ebn\u00eb Melnyk: \u201cNuk b\u00ebhet fjal\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb atribuar faje. B\u00ebhet fjal\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb kuptuar sesi e gjith\u00eb ndodhia ka shkuar keq\u201d.<\/p>\n

Ndoshta duhet t\u00eb provojm\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebsohemi me iden\u00eb se nuk do t\u00eb ket\u00eb kurr\u00eb nga ana e Merkelit nj\u00eb pozicion ndryshe: si n\u00eb p\u00ebrgjigjen p\u00ebr Zelensky lidhur me samitin e NATO t\u00eb 2008, ka mund\u00ebsi ndaj \u00e7do pyetje apo provokimi do t\u00eb vazhdoj\u00eb ta rivendikoj\u00eb pun\u00ebn e saj. Duke i habitur t\u00eb gjith\u00eb ata q\u00eb e jepnin si t\u00eb sigurt\u00eb, ka mund\u00ebsi ajo e para nuk ka n\u00ebnkuptuar ndonj\u00ebher\u00eb t\u00eb marr\u00eb p\u00ebrsip\u00ebr nj\u00eb rol prej mater patriae <\/em>(apo Landesmutter<\/em>) dhe impenjimi i saj p\u00ebr t\u00eb mir\u00ebn e Gjermanis\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u2019u konsideruar tashm\u00eb i mbyllur.<\/p>\n

(nga Kater<\/em>)<\/p>\n

P\u00ebrgatiti<\/strong><\/p>\n

ARMIN TIRANA<\/strong><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Pushtimi i Ukrain\u00ebs nga ana e Rusis\u00eb e ka p\u00ebrshpejtuar n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb mrekullueshme rishikimin e pun\u00ebs s\u00eb Angela Merkel. Kur p\u00ebrfundoi mandati i kancelares Angela Merkel, vet\u00ebm 4 muaj m\u00eb par\u00eb, lavd\u00ebrimet p\u00ebr pun\u00ebn e saj t\u00eb 16 viteve t\u00eb fundit gjendet pothuajse n\u00eb \u00e7do burim shtypi. Lavd\u00ebrime q\u00eb rrall\u00eb mungojn\u00eb, edhe pse ndaj …<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":4,"featured_media":10503,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[42],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-10502","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","","category-kulture"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/10502","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/4"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=10502"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/10502\/revisions"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/10503"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=10502"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=10502"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=10502"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}