{"id":122831,"date":"2025-09-09T18:33:42","date_gmt":"2025-09-09T18:33:42","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/?p=122831"},"modified":"2025-09-09T18:33:42","modified_gmt":"2025-09-09T18:33:42","slug":"ish-ministri-i-jashtem-kritikon-qendrimet-e-be-ndaj-rames-nuk-ka-prodhur-demokraci-ska-me-zgjedhje-te-lira","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/2025\/09\/09\/ish-ministri-i-jashtem-kritikon-qendrimet-e-be-ndaj-rames-nuk-ka-prodhur-demokraci-ska-me-zgjedhje-te-lira\/","title":{"rendered":"Ish-ministri i Jasht\u00ebm kritikon q\u00ebndrimet e BE ndaj Ram\u00ebs: Nuk ka prodhur demokraci, s’ka m\u00eb zgjedhje t\u00eb lira"},"content":{"rendered":"
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Ditmir BUSHATI<\/strong><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

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Si mund t\u00eb pajtohen politika dhe etika, ose, th\u00ebn\u00eb ndryshe, si mund t\u00eb administrohet tensioni midis tyre?<\/p>\n

Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb dilema t\u00eb cil\u00ebn shtjelloi sociologu i njohur gjerman Max Weber n\u00eb leksionin \u201cPolitika si thirrje\u201d, q\u00eb mbajti para \u201cShoqat\u00ebs s\u00eb Student\u00ebve t\u00eb lir\u00eb\u201d, n\u00eb Janarin e 1919-\u00ebs, gjat\u00eb revolucionit jet\u00ebshkurt\u00ebr t\u00eb Mynihut. M\u00eb shum\u00eb se nj\u00eb shekull m\u00eb von\u00eb, vepra e tij sh\u00ebrben ende si nj\u00eb kujtes\u00eb e fort\u00eb e rreziqeve t\u00eb mbivendosura t\u00eb demagogjis\u00eb, udh\u00ebheqjes s\u00eb personalizuar dhe improvizimit.<\/p>\n

Edhe pse n\u00eb dit\u00ebt e sotme duket utopike t\u2019i jap\u00ebsh p\u00ebrgjigje pyetjes se cili \u00ebsht\u00eb thelbi etik i politik\u00ebs, p\u00ebrgjigja nuk do t\u00eb ishte e plot\u00eb n\u00ebse do t\u00eb kufizohej vet\u00ebm n\u00eb kontrastin midis \u201cetik\u00ebs s\u00eb bindjes\u201d dhe \u201cetik\u00ebs s\u00eb p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsis\u00eb\u201d. Sipas Weberit, e para ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb me forc\u00ebn morale, nd\u00ebrsa e dyta \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb thirrje e v\u00ebrtet\u00eb politike q\u00eb k\u00ebrkon nj\u00eb angazhim t\u00eb njimendt\u00eb ndaj nj\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje madhore, shoq\u00ebruar me ushtrimin e nj\u00eb ndjenje t\u00eb thell\u00eb p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsie.<\/p>\n

E thirra n\u00eb ndihm\u00eb Weberin p\u00ebr t\u00eb kuptuar m\u00eb mir\u00eb situat\u00ebn paradoksale n\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebn ndodhet procesi i zgjerimit dhe konsolidimit t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb. Pas pushtimit t\u00eb Ukrain\u00ebs nga ana e Rusis\u00eb, shumica e elit\u00ebs politike europiane beson se zgjerimi dhe konsolidimi i projektit europian \u00ebsht\u00eb i nevojsh\u00ebm dhe i pashmangsh\u00ebm, por n\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn koh\u00eb, \u00ebsht\u00eb i pamundur.<\/p>\n

Mund\u00ebsit\u00eb e humbura<\/strong><\/p>\n

Q\u00eb prej atij momenti dramatik p\u00ebr sigurin\u00eb e Europ\u00ebs jan\u00eb humbur tri mund\u00ebsi. S\u00eb pari, europian\u00ebt nuk u treguan t\u00eb aft\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrfituar nga rezistenca e ukrainasve n\u00eb lindje t\u00eb kontinentit, p\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrmbyllur konfliktet e pap\u00ebrfunduara t\u00eb shtet\u00ebsis\u00eb n\u00eb Europ\u00ebn Juglindore, n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrqendroheshin n\u00eb p\u00ebrballjen afat-gjat\u00eb me Rusin\u00eb, n\u00eb lindje t\u00eb kontinentit.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb kontekstin e tanish\u00ebm asgj\u00ebsues gjeopolitik, vendet kryesore an\u00ebtar\u00eb t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb zgjodh\u00ebn rrug\u00ebn m\u00eb t\u00eb shkurt\u00ebr me Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor, duke p\u00ebrfunduar disa marr\u00ebveshje t\u00eb nxitura nga obsesioni me migracionin (Itali-Shqip\u00ebri); qasje n\u00eb burimet natyrore (Gjermani-Serbi); qasje n\u00eb industrin\u00eb ushtarake (Franc\u00eb-Serbi). Duke p\u00ebrforcuar bindjen se Ballkani Per\u00ebndimor, edhe pse gjeografikisht \u00ebsht\u00eb i rrethuar nga BE, trajtohet si nj\u00eb periferi ku mund t\u00eb zgjidhen \u2018hallet\u2019 e t\u00eb m\u00ebdhenjve t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb rrafshin e siguris\u00eb dhe politik\u00ebs, Ballkani Per\u00ebndimor \u00ebsht\u00eb larg s\u00eb qeni nj\u00eb rajon n\u00eb kuptimin e v\u00ebrtet\u00eb t\u00eb fjal\u00ebs me objektiva t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebta. Investimi i m\u00eb shum\u00eb se dy dekadave n\u00eb nj\u00eb politik\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrqendruar tek Serbia apo tek raportet e saj t\u00eb mira me Shqip\u00ebrin\u00eb n\u00eb funksion t\u00eb stabilitetit rajonal, nuk rezultoi as n\u00eb demokratizimin e saj, dhe as n\u00eb p\u00ebrqafimin nga ana e Serbis\u00eb t\u00eb politik\u00ebs s\u00eb jashtme t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt europiane.<\/p>\n

Edhe n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb pik\u00eb, BE-ja gjeti s\u00ebrish nj\u00eb rrug\u00eb t\u00eb shkurt\u00ebr duke vendosur disa masa shtr\u00ebnguese ndaj Kosov\u00ebs, edhe pse dihet fare mir\u00eb se kush i nxit \u00e7rregullimet n\u00eb rajon, dhe se Kosova shtet, q\u00eb nga dita e par\u00eb e krijimit t\u00eb saj, ka qen\u00eb e rreshtuar me per\u00ebndimin.<\/p>\n

Megjith\u00ebs\u00eb Shqip\u00ebria ka kultivuar n\u00eb politik\u00ebn e jashtme nj\u00eb qasje t\u00eb linj\u00ebzuar me per\u00ebndimin q\u00eb prej r\u00ebnies s\u00eb regjimit komunist, n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb \u00e7uditshme i k\u00ebrkoi publikisht BE-s\u00eb q\u00eb \u201ct\u00eb mos ushtronte presion ndaj Serbis\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u2019iu bashkuar sanksioneve ndaj Rusis\u00eb\u201d. Nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb, nga ana tjet\u00ebr, nuk nguroi t\u00eb paralajm\u00ebronte publikisht masat e padrejta shtr\u00ebnguese q\u00eb BE-ja vendosi ndaj Kosov\u00ebs. E madje t\u00eb anullonte edhe mbledhjen e p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt t\u00eb qeverive, si shenj\u00eb distancimi ndaj k\u00ebsaj t\u00eb fundit.<\/p>\n

As sulmi terrorist n\u00eb Banjsk\u00eb, i cili n\u00eb dallim prej konflikteve t\u00eb tjera n\u00eb Europ\u00eb, ishte agresion i nxitur nga nj\u00eb vend kandidat p\u00ebr n\u00eb BE ndaj vendit fqinj q\u00eb synon an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimin n\u00eb BE, nuk e ndryshoi kompasin pragmatik e pa vizion strategjik t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb ndaj rajonit. Deklaratat qortuese ndaj Beogradit nuk u shoq\u00ebruan n\u00eb asnj\u00eb rast me veprime konkrete.<\/p>\n

Ndaj, sot askush nuk ka pse t\u00eb habitet nga ajo \u00e7far\u00eb po ndodh n\u00eb Serbi. Arsyeja se p\u00ebrse studentet q\u00eb protestojn\u00eb prej nj\u00eb viti rrug\u00ebve t\u00eb Serbis\u00eb nuk val\u00ebvisin flamurin e BE-s\u00eb duhet k\u00ebrkuar tek fakti se BE-ja m\u00eb shum\u00eb ka predikuar sesa luftuar p\u00ebr jet\u00ebsimin e standardeve demokratike dhe vlerave europiane n\u00eb rajonin ton\u00eb. Nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb ekzagjerim t\u00eb thuhet se BE-ja me politik\u00ebn e ndjekur e ka humbur Serbin\u00eb, p\u00ebrve\u00e7se ka humbur edhe investimin e saj: Aleksandar Vu\u010di\u0107.<\/p>\n

S\u00eb dyti, administrata e presidentit Biden nuk prodhoi ndryshimet e d\u00ebshiruara n\u00eb rajon. Megjith\u00ebse Biden do t\u00eb mbahet mend ndoshta si presidenti i fundit atlanticist n\u00eb Sht\u00ebpin\u00eb e Bardh\u00eb, teza e tij p\u00ebr nj\u00eb ndarje mes demokracis\u00eb dhe autokracis\u00eb nuk dha efekt lidhur me sfidat e demokracis\u00eb dhe shtetit t\u00eb s\u00eb drejt\u00ebs n\u00eb Europ\u00ebn Juglindore. Si\u00e7 pati th\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb podcastin tim \u201cPublic Square\u201d, nj\u00eb prej shkenc\u00ebtar\u00ebve politik\u00eb m\u00eb n\u00eb z\u00eb n\u00eb SHBA, Ian Bremmer, \u201cSHBA-t\u00eb e pat\u00ebn at\u00eb pozicion n\u00eb vitin 1989, kur ra \u2018Muri i Berlinit\u2019. Por n\u00eb vitin 2024, ideja se nj\u00eb president amerikan thot\u00eb se \u2018SHBA-t\u00eb do t\u00eb b\u00ebjn\u00eb dallimin midis demokracive dhe regjimeve autoritare\u2019, nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb shum\u00eb e besueshme, nuk reflekton realitetin\u201d.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb rajonin ton\u00eb, zgjedhjet kan\u00eb humbur r\u00ebnd\u00ebsin\u00eb. At\u00eb q\u00eb Tocqueville nj\u00ebher\u00eb e nj\u00eb koh\u00eb e p\u00ebrkufizonte si \u201cefekti surpriz\u00eb\u201d i tyre, p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb gjendjes s\u00eb ethshme n\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebn p\u00ebrfshihet shoq\u00ebria n\u00eb nj\u00eb proces zgjedhor dhe faktit se rezultatin e zgjedhjeve nuk mund ta parashikosh paraprakisht, e as ta ndryshosh m\u00eb pas. N\u00eb dallim prej shumic\u00ebs s\u00eb vendeve per\u00ebndimore dhe prej vendeve t\u00eb Europ\u00ebs Qendore dhe Lindore, q\u00eb teksa po b\u00ebheshin pjes\u00eb e BE-s\u00eb p\u00ebrjetuan ndryshime t\u00eb shpeshta pushteti, jet\u00ebgjat\u00ebsia dhe personalizimi i pushtetit jan\u00eb tipare dalluese n\u00eb Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor. Madje, edhe n\u00eb ato raste ku rotacioni politik \u00ebsht\u00eb mund\u00ebsuar, ai nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb shoq\u00ebruar me agjend\u00eb transformuese dhe v\u00ebshtrim p\u00ebr nga e ardhmja.<\/p>\n

Po k\u00ebshtu, nismat rajonale me prapavij\u00eb ekonomike, t\u00eb cilat u mb\u00ebshtet\u00ebn nga administrata Biden me parimin \u201cle t\u00eb b\u00ebjm\u00eb fillimisht biznes e m\u00eb pas politik\u00eb\u201d nuk arrit\u00ebn rezultatet e pritshme dhe as nuk ndihmuan n\u00eb zbutjen mosmarr\u00ebveshjeve dhe transformimin e armiqve t\u00eb dikursh\u00ebm n\u00eb fqinj\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00eb.<\/p>\n

S\u00eb treti, Gjermania e kancelarit Olaf Scholz, foli p\u00ebr \u201cZeitenwende\u201d (pik\u00eb kthese) dhe premtoi n\u00eb programin qeveris\u00ebs nj\u00eb \u201cp\u00ebrshpejtim\u201d t\u00eb procesit t\u00eb pranimit n\u00eb BE t\u00eb vendeve t\u00eb Ballkanit Per\u00ebndimor, gj\u00eb q\u00eb nuk ndodhi. Deri m\u00eb sot, \u00e7do val\u00eb an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimi n\u00eb BE ka pasur Gjermanin\u00eb si forc\u00eb l\u00ebviz\u00ebse, kombinuar me koalicione udh\u00ebheq\u00ebse nga shtetet an\u00ebtare q\u00eb shtyjn\u00eb p\u00ebrpara k\u00ebt\u00eb proces.<\/p>\n

Le t\u00eb mos ushqejm\u00eb asnj\u00eb iluzion. Fjal\u00ebt inkurajuese t\u00eb komisioneres p\u00ebr zgjerimin n\u00eb lidhje me kapitujt e negociatave, vendet pararoj\u00eb dhe data t\u00eb mundshme an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimi p\u00ebr n\u00eb BE, duhet t\u00eb p\u00ebrputhen me realitetin n\u00eb t\u00ebrren p\u00ebr gjendjen e demokracis\u00eb, sundimit t\u00eb s\u00eb drejt\u00ebs n\u00eb ekonomi, \u00e7\u2019kapjes s\u00eb shtetit, liris\u00eb s\u00eb medias, p\u00ebrfshirjes s\u00eb opozit\u00ebs, shoq\u00ebris\u00eb civile, akademike, dhe biznesit si pjes\u00eb integrale e procesit t\u00eb zgjerimit. Nj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht k\u00ebto fjal\u00eb, duhet t\u00eb p\u00ebrputhen me angazhimin politik t\u00eb vendeve kryesore t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb dhe praktik\u00ebn e raundeve t\u00eb m\u00ebparshme t\u00eb zgjerimit.<\/p>\n

E njejta qasje u ndoq edhe me Stategjin\u00eb e Zgjerimit t\u00eb 2018-\u00ebs, ku komisioneri i zgjerimit t\u00eb koh\u00ebs deklaronte se: \u201cSerbia dhe Mali i Zi, si dy vende pararoj\u00eb do t\u00eb mund t\u00eb an\u00ebtar\u00ebsohen n\u00eb BE n\u00eb vitin 2025\u201d. V\u00ebshtruar shtat\u00eb vite m\u00eb pas, mendoj se, n\u00eb \u00e7do rrethan\u00eb, fjal\u00ebt duhet t\u00eb mb\u00ebshteten tek veprime konkrete, pasi n\u00eb t\u00eb kund\u00ebrt rrezikojn\u00eb t\u00eb prodhojn\u00eb sken\u00ebn e \u201cpretendimit t\u00eb dyfisht\u00eb\u201d, d\u00ebshmitar\u00eb t\u00eb s\u00eb cil\u00ebs kemi qen\u00eb disa her\u00eb, ku nga nj\u00ebra an\u00eb, vendet e Ballkanit Per\u00ebndimor pretendojn\u00eb se po \u201creformohen\u201d, dhe nga ana tjet\u00ebr, BE-ja pretendon se po \u201czgjerohet\u201d.<\/p>\n

Hendeku thellohet<\/strong><\/p>\n

Megjith\u00ebse q\u00eb nga 24 shkurti i vitit 2022, ka nj\u00eb moment t\u00eb ri gjeopolitik n\u00eb Europ\u00eb, procesi i zgjerimit \u00ebsht\u00eb ende nj\u00eb histori an\u00ebsore, pjes\u00eb e nj\u00eb historie shum\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe rreth t\u00eb ardhmes s\u00eb Europ\u00ebs, luft\u00ebs, raporteve me fuqit\u00eb e tjera globale, autonomis\u00eb s\u00eb saj strategjike dhe arkitektur\u00ebs t\u00eb siguris\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Po! Politika e zgjerimit t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb ringjallur si nj\u00eb nevoj\u00eb gjeostrategjike pas pushtimit t\u00eb Ukrain\u00ebs nga Rusia, me perspektiv\u00ebn e an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimit t\u00eb Ukrain\u00ebs dhe Moldavis\u00eb, sikund\u00ebr me bisedimet e an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimit me Malin e Zi dhe Shqip\u00ebrin\u00eb, apo me miratimin nga Komisioni Europian t\u00eb planeve t\u00eb reja t\u00eb rritjes dhe intrumenteve leht\u00ebsuese, t\u00eb p\u00ebrshtatura sipas profileve specifike t\u00eb vendeve t\u00eb p\u00ebrfshira n\u00eb procesin e zgjerimit.<\/p>\n

Por kjo nuk mjafton! Plani i Rritjes Ekonomike ofron vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb rikalibrim t\u00eb vog\u00ebl t\u00eb status quo n\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet nd\u00ebrmjet BE-s\u00eb dhe Ballkanit Per\u00ebndimor n\u00eb kontekstin e ri gjeopolitik, me rezultate t\u00eb kufizuara, n\u00eb munges\u00eb t\u00eb ambicies politike dhe inovacionit institucional t\u00eb nevojsh\u00ebm p\u00ebr t\u00eb sinjalizuar nj\u00eb p\u00ebrparim t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb drejt an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimit n\u00eb BE. Masat e Planit jan\u00eb modeste dhe nuk kan\u00eb gjas\u00eb t\u00eb riform\u00ebsojn\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet ekonomike apo t\u00eb ndryshojn\u00eb trajektoren e zhvillimit t\u00eb Ballkanit Per\u00ebndimor, p\u00ebr t\u00eb arritur konvergimin ekonomik e zhvillimor me mesataren e BE-s\u00eb.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb vend t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj, Plani ndjek nj\u00eb logjik\u00eb graduale q\u00eb i shtohet peizazhit tashm\u00eb t\u00eb tejmbushur me mjete politike dhe instrumente financiare, q\u00eb prej prezantimit t\u00eb Procesit t\u00eb Stabilizim Asociimit n\u00eb vitin 1999. Q\u00eb, p\u00ebr hir t\u00eb s\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00ebs, kan\u00eb zgjeruar gjurm\u00ebn institucionale dhe normative t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb nd\u00ebr vite n\u00eb rajon, por nuk kan\u00eb mund\u00ebsuar dot nj\u00eb transformim strukturor. N\u00eb vend q\u00eb t\u00eb sh\u00ebrbej\u00eb si instrument p\u00ebr tejkalimin e sfidave q\u00eb lidhen me prapambetjen demokratike, zhvillimin ekonomik dhe shoq\u00ebror, integrimin e plot\u00eb n\u00eb tregun e vet\u00ebm t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb, Plani i Rritjes rrezikon t\u00eb sh\u00ebrbej\u00eb thjesht si nj\u00eb shoq\u00ebrues i tyre.<\/p>\n

Ndaj, barrierat e vazhdueshme p\u00ebrsa u takon faktor\u00ebve t\u00eb prodhimit mes Ballkanit Per\u00ebndimor dhe BE-s\u00eb do t\u00eb vazhdojn\u00eb, sikund\u00ebr leht\u00ebsirat n\u00eb transferta dhe sh\u00ebrbime bankare p\u00ebr qytetar\u00ebt dhe bizneset nga rajoni yn\u00eb do t\u00eb jen\u00eb t\u00eb pallogaritshme, krahasuar me at\u00eb \u00e7far\u00eb ofron Zona e Vetme e Pagesave n\u00eb Euro (SEPA) p\u00ebr qytetar\u00ebt dhe bizneset q\u00eb veprojn\u00eb brenda BE-s\u00eb.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb rastin e vendeve t\u00eb Europ\u00ebs Qendrore dhe Lindore, integrimi n\u00eb tregun e vet\u00ebm t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb ishte nj\u00eb nxit\u00ebs i madh i bashk\u00ebpunimit rajonal dhe rritjes s\u00eb tregtis\u00eb midis tyre vet\u00ebm pas hyrjes n\u00eb BE, \u00e7ka d\u00ebshmon p\u00ebr rolin e paz\u00ebvend\u00ebsuesh\u00ebm t\u00eb tregut t\u00eb vet\u00ebm n\u00eb zhvillim ekonomik dhe tregtin\u00eb e bazuar n\u00eb rregulla. Prandaj, theksi tek tregu i p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt rajonal nuk p\u00ebrmbush nevoj\u00ebn dhe aspirat\u00ebn e vendeve t\u00eb Ballkanit Per\u00ebndimor p\u00ebr zhvillim ekonomik t\u00eb q\u00ebndruesh\u00ebm.<\/p>\n

N\u00ebse krahasojm\u00eb grantin prej 2 miliard\u00eb euro t\u00eb Planit t\u00eb Rritjes p\u00ebr Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor me grantin prej 357 miliard\u00eb euro p\u00ebr vendet an\u00ebtare, n\u00eb kuad\u00ebr t\u00eb Gjenerat\u00ebs s\u00eb Ardhshme t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb, kontrasti \u00ebsht\u00eb rr\u00ebnqeth\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

Gjat\u00eb ciklit buxhetor, q\u00eb p\u00ebrkon me ambicien e shprehur t\u00eb komisioneres p\u00ebr zgjerimin dhe Malit t\u00eb Zi e Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb p\u00ebr p\u00ebrmbylljen e procesit t\u00eb bisedimeve p\u00ebr an\u00ebtar\u00ebsim n\u00eb BE, Ballkani Per\u00ebndimor do t\u00eb marr\u00eb grante nga BE-ja, mesatarisht, n\u00eb nj\u00eb vler\u00eb deri n\u00eb 619 euro p\u00ebr frym\u00eb. Nd\u00ebrsa grantet p\u00ebr frym\u00eb n\u00eb shtetet an\u00ebtare t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb q\u00eb na rrethojn\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb k\u00ebnd t\u00eb Europ\u00ebs shkojn\u00eb nga 3.540 euro p\u00ebr slloven\u00ebt, n\u00eb 5.700 euro p\u00ebr grek\u00ebt, d\u00ebshmi e faktit se hendeku zhvillimor mes nesh nuk po zbutet, por po thellohet.<\/p>\n

Veprim vendimtar, jo gradualizim<\/strong><\/p>\n

Projekti i konsolidimit europian n\u00eb rajonin ton\u00eb k\u00ebrkon veprim vendimtar t\u00eb dyansh\u00ebm dhe jo gradualizim p\u00ebr t\u00eb \u00e7imentuar status quo. Ai ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb me tre gj\u00ebra: a) nj\u00eb premtim t\u00eb besuesh\u00ebm t\u00eb bashk\u00ebrenduar mes Komisionit Europian dhe vendeve an\u00ebtare t\u00eb BE-s\u00eb se \u00e7do shtet mund t\u00eb arrij\u00eb realisht an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimin; b) nj\u00eb mjedis politik i brendsh\u00ebm bashk\u00ebpunues p\u00ebr afatin kohor t\u00eb zbatimit t\u00eb reformave q\u00eb burojn\u00eb nga bisedimet, dhe bashk\u00ebidentifikues p\u00ebr mbrojtjen dhe promovimin e interesave komb\u00ebtare n\u00eb BE; c) ndihm\u00eb financiare dhe programe mb\u00ebshtet\u00ebse p\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrmbushur standardet dhe zbutur hendekun zhvillimor.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebr ta mbyllur s\u00ebrish aty ku e nisa, me dilemen p\u00ebrndjek\u00ebse t\u00eb Weberit, p\u00ebr tensionin mes \u201cetik\u00ebs s\u00eb bindjes\u201d (konsolidimi i projektit europian \u00ebsht\u00eb i pakthyesh\u00ebm) dhe \u201cetik\u00ebs s\u00eb p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsis\u00eb\u201d (pun\u00ebs konkrete dhe gadishm\u00ebris\u00eb p\u00ebr sakrifica nga ato q\u00eb duan t\u00eb b\u00ebhen pjes\u00eb e k\u00ebtij projekti), megjith\u00ebse ai pranonte forc\u00ebn morale t\u00eb t\u00eb parit, mb\u00ebshteste t\u00eb dytin. Pasi nj\u00eb projekt i v\u00ebrtet\u00eb politik, si\u00e7 \u00ebsht\u00eb konsolidimi i projektit europian, k\u00ebrkon nj\u00eb angazhim t\u00eb zjarrt\u00eb dhe nj\u00eb ndjenj\u00eb t\u00eb thell\u00eb p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsie nga t\u00eb dy pal\u00ebt: vendet e Ballkanit Per\u00ebndimor dhe BE-ja.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Ditmir BUSHATI Si mund t\u00eb pajtohen politika dhe etika, ose, th\u00ebn\u00eb ndryshe, si mund t\u00eb administrohet tensioni midis tyre? Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb dilema t\u00eb cil\u00ebn shtjelloi sociologu i njohur gjerman Max Weber n\u00eb leksionin \u201cPolitika si thirrje\u201d, q\u00eb mbajti para \u201cShoqat\u00ebs s\u00eb Student\u00ebve t\u00eb lir\u00eb\u201d, n\u00eb Janarin e 1919-\u00ebs, gjat\u00eb revolucionit jet\u00ebshkurt\u00ebr t\u00eb Mynihut. M\u00eb shum\u00eb …<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":3,"featured_media":122832,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[44],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-122831","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","","category-editorial"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/122831","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/3"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=122831"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/122831\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":122833,"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/122831\/revisions\/122833"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/122832"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=122831"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=122831"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=122831"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}