{"id":125522,"date":"2025-10-13T11:10:57","date_gmt":"2025-10-13T11:10:57","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/?p=125522"},"modified":"2025-10-13T11:10:57","modified_gmt":"2025-10-13T11:10:57","slug":"pse-rama-e-kishte-me-kaq-ngut-te-conte-tiranen-ne-zgjedhje-me-9-nentor","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/2025\/10\/13\/pse-rama-e-kishte-me-kaq-ngut-te-conte-tiranen-ne-zgjedhje-me-9-nentor\/","title":{"rendered":"Pse Rama e kishte me kaq ngut t\u00eb \u00e7onte Tiran\u00ebn n\u00eb zgjedhje m\u00eb 9 n\u00ebntor?"},"content":{"rendered":"<p><strong>Nga Fjoralba DIZDARI<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><strong>Ngutja p\u00ebr t\u00eb caktuar dat\u00ebn e zgjedhjeve, pa pritur vendimin e Gjykat\u00ebs Kushtetuese, \u00ebsht\u00eb pjes\u00eb e nj\u00eb modeli t\u00eb konsoliduar ku vendimi politik paraprin drejt\u00ebsin\u00eb.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Vendimi i Presidentit Bajram Begaj p\u00ebr t\u00eb dekretuar 9 n\u00ebntorin si dat\u00ebn e zgjedhjeve n\u00eb Bashkin\u00eb e Tiran\u00ebs ka hapur nj\u00eb debat t\u00eb fort\u00eb institucional dhe politik.<\/p>\n<p>N\u00eb pamje t\u00eb par\u00eb, duket si nj\u00eb procedur\u00eb e zakonshme ligjore, por n\u00eb thelb, pas k\u00ebtij vendimi q\u00ebndron nj\u00eb ngutje politike q\u00eb ngre shum\u00eb pik\u00ebpyetje mbi raportin e mazhoranc\u00ebs me institucionet e pavarura.<\/p>\n<p>Presidenti Begaj nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb perceptuar si nj\u00eb figur\u00eb e pavarur, por si produkt dhe zgjatim institucional i mazhoranc\u00ebs.<\/p>\n<p>Dekretimi i dat\u00ebs 9 n\u00ebntor, pa pritur vendimin e Gjykat\u00ebs Kushtetuese p\u00ebr \u00e7\u00ebshtjen e mandatit t\u00eb Erion Veliajt, tregon qart\u00eb koordinimin e institucioneve n\u00ebn ndikimin e Edi Ram\u00ebs.<\/p>\n<p>Ky nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb veprim thjesht procedural, por nj\u00eb l\u00ebvizje e p\u00ebrllogaritur politikisht, me objektiva t\u00eb qart\u00eb dhe t\u00eb sinkronizuar.<\/p>\n<p>Kjo nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb hera e par\u00eb q\u00eb Shqip\u00ebria p\u00ebrballet me nj\u00eb \u201curgjenc\u00eb\u201d politike q\u00eb e paraprin ligjin.<br \/>\nEdhe n\u00eb t\u00eb kaluar\u00ebn, afatet zgjedhore, dekretet presidenciale apo ndryshimet n\u00eb administrat\u00eb jan\u00eb p\u00ebrdorur si instrumente p\u00ebr t\u00eb krijuar avantazh politik, m\u00eb shum\u00eb sesa si mekanizma t\u00eb shtetit ligjor.<\/p>\n<p>Kultura e vendimmarrjes p\u00ebrpara gjykimit \u00ebsht\u00eb kthyer n\u00eb nj\u00eb standard t\u00eb pushtetit ekzekutiv, duke e b\u00ebr\u00eb edhe rolin e Presidentit nj\u00eb form\u00eb formale t\u00eb nj\u00eb vendimi q\u00eb merret diku tjet\u00ebr.<br \/>\nN\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kuptim, dekreti p\u00ebr zgjedhjet e 9 n\u00ebntorit \u00ebsht\u00eb vazhdim\u00ebsi e nj\u00eb modeli t\u00eb konsoliduar, jo rast\u00ebsi institucionale.<\/p>\n<p>Vendimi p\u00ebr t\u00eb mos pritur Gjykat\u00ebn Kushtetuese bie ndesh me nj\u00eb prej parimeve themelore t\u00eb shtetit t\u00eb s\u00eb drejt\u00ebs, parimin e pritjes s\u00eb efektit gjyq\u00ebsor p\u00ebrpara se nj\u00eb akt t\u00eb prodhoj\u00eb pasoja t\u00eb pakthyeshme.<\/p>\n<p>N\u00ebse zgjedhjet do t\u00eb ishin zhvilluar m\u00eb 9 n\u00ebntor, nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb m\u00eb pas Gjykata do t\u00eb shpallte t\u00eb pavlefsh\u00ebm dekretin, vendi do t\u00eb p\u00ebrballej me nj\u00eb kriz\u00eb t\u00eb re institucionale, ku as rezultati dhe as legjitimiteti nuk do t\u00eb kishin vler\u00eb ligjore.<\/p>\n<p>Kjo do t\u00eb d\u00ebmtonte jo vet\u00ebm besueshm\u00ebrin\u00eb e institucioneve, por edhe procesin demokratik n\u00eb vetvete, duke e kthyer vot\u00ebn n\u00eb nj\u00eb akt t\u00eb kontestuar q\u00eb n\u00eb nisje.<\/p>\n<p>Ky nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb vendim institucional, por nj\u00eb l\u00ebvizje e p\u00ebrllogaritur politikisht.<br \/>\nQ\u00ebllimi \u00ebsht\u00eb i trefisht\u00eb:<\/p>\n<p>1. T\u00eb parandalohet nd\u00ebrhyrja e Gjykat\u00ebs Kushtetuese, e cila mund t\u00eb rr\u00ebzonte baz\u00ebn ligjore t\u00eb procesit dhe t\u00eb ekspozonte munges\u00ebn e legjitimitetit t\u00eb situat\u00ebs n\u00eb Bashkin\u00eb e Tiran\u00ebs.<br \/>\n2. T\u00eb vendoset opozita p\u00ebrball\u00eb faktit t\u00eb kryer, duke e futur n\u00eb nj\u00eb zgjedhje t\u00eb pap\u00ebrgatitur, pa koh\u00eb p\u00ebr organizim, strukturim apo fushat\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00ebfillt\u00eb.<br \/>\n3. T\u00eb konsolidohet kontrolli mbi Tiran\u00ebn p\u00ebrpara dimrit, periudh\u00eb q\u00eb pritet t\u00eb shoq\u00ebrohet me rritje \u00e7mimesh, taksash dhe pak\u00ebnaq\u00ebsie sociale, q\u00eb mund t\u00eb r\u00ebndojn\u00eb mbi qeverin\u00eb n\u00ebse zgjedhjet do t\u00eb shtyheshin.<\/p>\n<p>Nj\u00eb arsye e thell\u00eb e k\u00ebtij vendimi lidhet edhe me momentin ekonomik dhe politik.<\/p>\n<p>Shqip\u00ebria po hyn n\u00eb nj\u00eb dim\u00ebr t\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00eb, me inflacion t\u00eb q\u00ebndruesh\u00ebm, rritje t\u00eb \u00e7mimeve t\u00eb energjis\u00eb dhe taksave vendore, nd\u00ebrsa t\u00eb ardhurat reale t\u00eb qytetar\u00ebve mbeten t\u00eb ul\u00ebta.<\/p>\n<p>Nj\u00eb vot\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kontekst do t\u00eb ishte shum\u00eb m\u00eb e kushtueshme politikisht p\u00ebr mazhoranc\u00ebn, q\u00eb k\u00ebrkon t\u00eb ruaj\u00eb kontrollin mbi Tiran\u00ebn p\u00ebrpara se ky pak\u00ebnaq\u00ebsim t\u00eb shnd\u00ebrrohet n\u00eb humbje elektorale.<\/p>\n<p>Kryeqyteti nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb thjesht nj\u00eb territor administrativ, \u00ebsht\u00eb simboli politik i pushtetit dhe qendra e \u00e7do komunikimi publik.<\/p>\n<p>Nj\u00eb rezultat i papritur n\u00eb Tiran\u00eb do t\u00eb kishte efekt domino n\u00eb gjith\u00eb vendin, ndaj edhe zgjedhjet e shpejta jan\u00eb nj\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb parandaluar riskun e erozionit elektoral.<\/p>\n<p>Prandaj, l\u00ebvizja p\u00ebr ta mbyllur k\u00ebt\u00eb proces p\u00ebrpara dimrit ka m\u00eb shum\u00eb lidhje me kalkulimet politike sesa me respektimin e afateve ligjore.<\/p>\n<p>N\u00eb pamje t\u00eb par\u00eb kemi nj\u00eb dekret formal presidencial, por n\u00eb realitet kemi t\u00eb b\u00ebjm\u00eb me nj\u00eb vendim t\u00eb mbingarkuar politikisht, q\u00eb ngre pyetje serioze mbi ndarjen reale t\u00eb pushteteve n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri dhe mbi kufijt\u00eb e pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb institucionale.<\/p>\n<p>N\u00eb nj\u00eb republik\u00eb funksionale, Presidenti do t\u00eb priste vendimin e Gjykat\u00ebs Kushtetuese p\u00ebrpara se t\u00eb caktonte dat\u00ebn e zgjedhjeve.<\/p>\n<p>N\u00eb Shqip\u00ebrin\u00eb e sotme, duket se vendimi politik paraprin gjykimin kushtetues, dhe kjo tregon m\u00eb shum\u00eb p\u00ebr m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn si funksionon pushteti sesa p\u00ebr kalendarin elektoral.<\/p>\n<p>\u00c7\u00ebshtja e 9 n\u00ebntorit \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb se nj\u00eb debat p\u00ebr dat\u00ebn e zgjedhjeve, \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb prov\u00eb p\u00ebr pavar\u00ebsin\u00eb e institucioneve dhe nj\u00eb pasqyr\u00eb e m\u00ebnyr\u00ebs sesi pushteti politik nd\u00ebrhyn n\u00eb ekuilibrat kushtetues.<\/p>\n<p>Kur \u00e7do vendim merret n\u00eb funksion t\u00eb nj\u00eb q\u00ebllimi elektoral, at\u00ebher\u00eb shteti kthehet n\u00eb instrument t\u00eb partis\u00eb dhe jo t\u00eb ligjit.<\/p>\n<p>Pyetja q\u00eb mbetet nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb vet\u00ebm pse u caktua data, por sa koh\u00eb do t\u00eb vazhdoj\u00eb t\u00eb funksionoj\u00eb Shqip\u00ebria me k\u00ebt\u00eb logjik\u00eb t\u00eb urgjenc\u00ebs politike q\u00eb e paraprin drejt\u00ebsin\u00eb<\/p>\n<p>Fjoralba Dizdari An\u00ebtare e K\u00ebshillit Komb\u00ebtar t\u00eb Partis\u00eb Demokratike, gazetare.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Nga Fjoralba DIZDARI Ngutja p\u00ebr t\u00eb caktuar dat\u00ebn e zgjedhjeve, pa pritur vendimin e Gjykat\u00ebs Kushtetuese, \u00ebsht\u00eb pjes\u00eb e nj\u00eb modeli t\u00eb konsoliduar ku vendimi politik paraprin drejt\u00ebsin\u00eb. Vendimi i Presidentit Bajram Begaj p\u00ebr t\u00eb dekretuar 9 n\u00ebntorin si dat\u00ebn e zgjedhjeve n\u00eb Bashkin\u00eb e Tiran\u00ebs ka hapur nj\u00eb debat t\u00eb fort\u00eb institucional dhe politik. &hellip;<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":4,"featured_media":71993,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[44],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-125522","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","","category-editorial"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/125522","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/4"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=125522"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/125522\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":125524,"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/125522\/revisions\/125524"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/71993"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=125522"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=125522"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=125522"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}