Pushteti e siguron hakmarrjen me goditje populizmi, polarizimi dhe pas t\u00eb v\u00ebrtete. N\u00eb \u00e7far\u00eb synojn\u00eb autokrat\u00ebt e rinj sipas Mois\u00e9s Na\u00edm.<\/p>\n
Nga fundi i pushtetit, tek hakmarrja e pushtetit, bile t\u00eb nj\u00eb pushteti gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb autoritar, q\u00eb rrezikon t\u00eb shkat\u00ebrroj\u00eb edhe demokracit\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb pjekura me goditje \u201c3 P\u201d: populiz\u00ebm, polarizim, pas e v\u00ebrtet\u00eb. \u00cbsht\u00eb kjo parabola shqet\u00ebsuese p\u00ebr t\u00eb cil\u00ebn Mois\u00e9s Na\u00edm ka dh\u00ebn\u00eb alarmin n\u00eb dy libra. I pari n\u00eb 2013: \u201cThe End of Power: From Boardrooms to Battlefields and Churches to States, Why Being In Charge Isn\u2019t What It Used to Be\u201d. Titulli me t\u00eb cilin u botua n\u00eb italisht: \u201cFundi i pushtetit: Nga k\u00ebshillat administrativ\u00eb tek fushat e betej\u00ebs, nga kishat tek shtetet, pasi pushteti nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb ai i dikurshmi\u201d. I dyti, q\u00eb vjen 9 vite m\u00eb pas, \u00ebsht\u00eb \u201cThe Revenge of Power: How Autocrats Are Reinventing Politics for the 21st Century\u201d. P\u00ebrkthimi literal i titullit n\u00eb italisht do t\u00eb ishte \u201cHakmarrja e pushtetit: Si autokrat\u00ebt po rishpikin politik\u00ebn n\u00eb shekullit e XXI\u201d. \u201cPor n\u00eb italisht do t\u00eb dal\u00eb n\u00eb tetor, p\u00ebr Feltrinelli\u201d, na thot\u00eb Na\u00edm. N\u00eb anglisht ka dal\u00eb menj\u00ebher\u00eb pas shp\u00ebrthimit t\u00eb luft\u00ebs apo jo? \u201cM\u00eb 22 shkurt ka dal\u00eb libri n\u00eb treg. M\u00eb 24 ka ndodhur pushtimi\u201d.<\/p>\n
Praktikisht n\u00eb tekst i jepet shum\u00eb hap\u00ebsir\u00eb Putinit. N\u00eb kapitullin e par\u00eb, mbi \u201cLuft\u00ebn globale kund\u00ebr peshave dhe kund\u00ebrpeshave\u201d, tregohet si nj\u00eb prej shembujve maksimal\u00eb t\u00eb lider\u00ebve q\u00eb ndryshojn\u00eb kushteut\u00ebn n\u00eb favor t\u00eb zgjatjes s\u00eb pushtetit, si Hugo Ch\u00e1vez apo Evo Morales. N\u00eb kapitullin e 3, \u201cInstrumenta t\u00eb pushtetit\u201d, shpjegohet se pse \u201cRusia e Vladimir Putinit na jep shembullin ilustrues t\u00eb p\u00ebrdorimit t\u00eb parave si instrument pushteti\u201d. N\u00eb kapitullin e 7, \u201cPushteti pas t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00ebs\u201d, \u201cfabrika dei troll\u00ebve\u201d e Putinit tregohet si shembulli maksimal i nj\u00eb teknike informimi q\u00eb shfryt\u00ebzon pushtetin modern t\u00eb social\u00ebve jo edhe aq p\u00ebr t\u00eb afirmuar t\u00eb v\u00ebrteta alternative sesa p\u00ebr t\u00eb mbjell\u00eb dyshimin p\u00ebr gjith\u00e7ka, n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet p\u00ebrhapjes s\u00eb nj\u00eb ridh\u00ebnie z\u00ebrash edhe n\u00eb kontradikt\u00eb midis tyre. N\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtin kapitull kujtohen edhe ato atentate t\u00eb 1999 q\u00eb ju atribuan \u00e7e\u00e7en\u00ebve dhe q\u00eb Litvinenko i zbuloi n\u00eb fakt si nj\u00eb miell n\u00eb thesin e Putinit: motiv p\u00ebr t\u00eb cilin u helmua. Dhe qysh at\u00ebhere politika e \u201cfalse flag\u201d ka qen\u00eb paksa nj\u00eb konstante e presidentit rus. N\u00eb kapitullin e 8, \u201cShtete mafioze, qeveri kriminale\u201d, kujtohen teorit\u00eb e Charles Tilly dhe Mancur Olson mbi shtetin q\u00eb do t\u00eb lindte si nj\u00eb lloj strukture mafioze q\u00eb arrin t\u00eb imponohet mbi territor dhe aq m\u00eb pas evoluon deri sa t\u00eb arrij\u00eb me shtetin e s\u00eb drejt\u00ebs demokratike t\u00eb ruaj\u00eb gjith\u00e7ka, p\u00ebr ta paraqitur Putinin si shembullin maksimal t\u00eb nj\u00eb lloj autokrati q\u00eb operon p\u00ebr ta ritransformuar shtetin n\u00eb struktur\u00eb mafioze.<\/p>\n
Por sidomos n\u00eb kapitullin e 9, \u201cAutocrat\u00ebt 3P b\u00ebhen global\u00eb\u201d, tipi i taktik\u00ebs me baz\u00eb pas t\u00eb v\u00ebrtete e p\u00ebrdorur nga Putini p\u00ebr t\u00eb pushtuar Krimen\u00eb dhe Donbasin me ushtar\u00eb rus\u00eb t\u00eb maskuar si separatist\u00eb vendor\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb njoftim k\u00ebr\u00ebcnues i asaj q\u00eb pik\u00ebrisht po shikojm\u00eb. Ajo q\u00eb ka ndodhur \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb konfirmin ose ka n\u00eb lib\u00ebr di\u00e7ka p\u00ebr t\u2019u shtuar apo ndryshuar? \u201c\u00cbsht\u00eb nj\u00eb model ekstrem, por ekstrem\u00ebt ilustrojn\u00eb shum\u00eb mir\u00eb at\u00eb q\u00eb kam dashur t\u00eb them. Putini \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb shembull shum\u00eb i qart\u00eb i asaj q\u00eb e kam quajtur Autokrat 3 P: ashtu si\u00e7 edhe Trump\u201d.<\/p>\n
Na\u00edm na e thot\u00eb me nj\u00eb italishte t\u00eb mir\u00eb, edhe pse me nj\u00eb theks qartazi jenki. Megjith\u00ebse duke qen\u00eb p\u00ebrsosshm\u00ebrisht midis kulturs anglosaksone dhe hispanike, faktikisht, ka lindur n\u00eb Libi m\u00eb 1952 n\u00eb Libi nga nj\u00eb familje hebraike babai i s\u00eb cil\u00ebs ishte p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsues i Assicurazioni Generali t\u00eb Venezia dhe partner lokal i kompanive t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme italiane, nd\u00ebrsa e \u00ebma menaxhonte nj\u00eb shkoll\u00eb p\u00ebr f\u00ebmij\u00ebt n\u00eb lagjen hebraike. T\u00eb k\u00ebrc\u00ebnuar nga antisemitizmi n\u00eb rritje erdh\u00ebn n\u00eb Itali kur ai ishte 4 vje\u00e7, p\u00ebr t\u2019u transferuar m\u00eb pas n\u00eb Venezuel\u00eb. Studioi n\u00eb Universidad Metropolitana t\u00eb Caracas, mori pastaj Masterin dhe Doktoratur\u00ebn n\u00eb MIT e Boston, qe midis 1977 dhe 1988 pedagog i Ekonomis\u00eb dhe drejtor akademik i Instituto de Estudios Superiores de Administraci\u00f3n (IESA) n\u00eb Venezuel\u00eb, p\u00ebr t\u2019u b\u00ebr\u00eb m\u00eb pas midis 1989 dhe 1990 minist\u00ebr i Ekonomis\u00eb dhe Industris\u00eb s\u00eb Venezuel\u00ebs. N\u00eb vijim drejtor i revist\u00ebs \u201cForeign Policy\u201d nga 1996 deri m\u00eb 2010, m\u00eb pas nga 2011 regjisor dhe prezantues i nj\u00eb programi televizic q\u00eb quhet \u201cEfecto Na\u00edm\u201d dhe q\u00eb shikohet n\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb Amerik\u00ebn Latine, \u00c7mim Ortega y Gasset, ish drejtor ekzekutiv i Bank\u00ebs Bot\u00ebrore, sot an\u00ebtar i Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, konsiderohet midis 100 mendimtar\u00ebve influent\u00eb n\u00eb bot\u00eb. Por q\u00ebndrimi tij edhe pse i shkurt\u00ebr n\u00eb qeveri \u00ebsht\u00eb thelb\u00ebsor p\u00ebr t\u00eb dy librat q\u00eb p\u00ebrshkruajn\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb parabol\u00eb t\u00eb pushtetit.<\/p>\n
Faktikisht Na\u00edm rr\u00ebfen se ndjesia qendrore e p\u00ebrvoj\u00ebs s\u00eb tij si minist\u00ebr qe ajo e mosqenies n\u00eb grad\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrcaktonte asgj\u00eb. Libri i 2013 shpjegonte k\u00ebshtu sesi pushteti po b\u00ebhej gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb i dob\u00ebt dhe m\u00eb i pak\u00ebt: m\u00eb i leht\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb fituar, por shum\u00eb m\u00eb i v\u00ebshtir\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u2019u ushtruar dhe m\u00eb i thjesht\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u2019u humbur. Teorikisht, kund\u00ebrv\u00ebnia e mikropushteteve dhe establishmentit mund t\u00eb ket\u00eb efekte virtuoze: p\u00ebrmbysjen e tiran\u00ebve dhe eliminimin e monopoleve. Por n\u00eb praktik\u00eb mund t\u00eb \u00e7oj\u00eb thjesht edhe n\u00eb kaos dhe n\u00eb paraliz\u00eb. Nd\u00ebrsa n\u00eb 1977, p\u00ebr shembull, 89 vnede qeveriseshin nga autokrat\u00eb, n\u00eb 2013 mbi gjysma e popullsis\u00eb bot\u00ebrore jetonte n\u00ebn regjime demokratike. Pastaj n\u00eb mesin e dyt\u00eb t\u00eb 2010, 10 fondet e para spekulative t\u00eb bot\u00ebs kishin regjistruar fitime m\u00eb t\u00eb larta se ato t\u00eb p\u00ebrgjithshme t\u00eb 6 bankave m\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme. Tendenca t\u00eb tjera: administrator\u00ebt delegat\u00eb e n\u00ebnshtruar kufizimeve m\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdha dhe n\u00eb post p\u00ebr nj\u00eb periudh\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb shkurt\u00ebr se ajo e paraardh\u00ebsve t\u00eb tyre; instrumenta moderne lufte m\u00eb ekonomike dhe m\u00eb t\u00eb aksesueshme, aq sa grupe si Hizballahu mund t\u2019i lejonin vetes blerjen e dron\u00ebve. Kush mbante pushtetin k\u00ebrkonte ta ruante duke ngritur barriera t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme, por q\u00eb opozitar\u00ebt arrinin t\u00eb \u00e7instalonin m\u00eb m\u00eb leht\u00ebsi dhe m\u00eb shpejt se kurr\u00eb. P\u00ebrve\u00e7 se m\u00eb pas p\u00ebr t\u00eb zbuluar, me t\u00eb fituar pushtetin, vet\u00eb c\u00ebnueshm\u00ebrin\u00eb e tyre. nga k\u00ebtu frustrimi. Jo vet\u00ebm qeveritar\u00ebt, por edhe t\u00eb qeveritar\u00ebve: prej pamund\u00ebsis\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb par\u00eb t\u00eb mbahen premtimet elektorale dhe prej ndjesis\u00eb s\u00eb p\u00ebrgjithshme p\u00ebr t\u00eb qen\u00eb t\u00eb braktisur, p\u00ebrball\u00eb problemesh pasigurie mbi statusin e tyre q\u00eb p\u00ebrshpejtimi i novatorizmit teknologjik tentonte t\u00eb rriste.<\/p>\n
\u201cFaj i neoliberalizmit q\u00eb pas 1989 ka imponuar ideologjin\u00eb e \u201claissez faire, laissez passer\u201d, ishte nj\u00eb kritik\u00eb popullore, q\u00eb ka lindur nga e majta, por q\u00eb m\u00eb pas ka dep\u00ebrtuar edhe djathtas. N\u00eb realitet, v\u00ebshtir\u00ebsia e politik\u00ebs ishte m\u00eb shum\u00eb e p\u00ebrcaktuar nga kompeksiteti n\u00eb rritje i problemeve dhe nga natyra e tyre gjithnj\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb globale q\u00eb qeverit\u00eb komb\u00ebtare nuk mund t\u2019i p\u00ebrballojn\u00eb: nga k\u00ebtu lindja e sovranizmit, n\u00eb iluzionin se ky globalizim i problemeve mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrballohet me rivendosjen e thjesht\u00eb t\u00eb kufijve. Pik\u00ebrisht qeveria t\u00eb cil\u00ebs Na\u00edm i kishte qen\u00eb pjes\u00eb qe viktim\u00eb e k\u00ebtyre tentativave t\u00eb reagimit, kur Ch\u00e1vez provoi t\u2019i b\u00ebj\u00eb nj\u00eb grusht shteti. \u201cThe Politics of Fandom\u201d \u00ebsht\u00eb titulli kapitullit t\u00eb 2. Tema \u00ebsht\u00eb pik\u00ebrisht ai i nj\u00eb lloji t\u00eb ri lideri q\u00eb modelohet mbi yjet e televizionit apo t\u00eb kinemas\u00eb, t\u00eb k\u00ebng\u00ebs apo t\u00eb sportit, dhe ndjek\u00ebsit\u00a0 e t\u00eb cilit ngjasojn\u00eb pik\u00ebrisht me tifoz\u00ebt apo me fansat sesa me militant\u00ebt politik\u00eb tradicional\u00eb. N\u00eb nj\u00eb moment t\u00eb caktuar Na\u00edm tregon: \u201cJam rritur n\u00eb Venezuel\u00eb dhe p\u00ebrvoja e shikuarit t\u00eb Ch\u00e1vez ta trasformoj\u00eb fam\u00ebn e tij n\u00eb pushtet dhe pushteti i tij n\u00eb celebritet m\u00eb ka sh\u00ebnuar. Ja pse, p\u00ebr mua, ngjitja e Trump ka qen\u00eb shqet\u00ebsuese. Kam shikuar rrethin q\u00eb ka p\u00ebrmbytur politik\u00ebn amerikane n\u00eb 2016 me nj\u00eb temrr t\u00eb mbytur n\u00eb d\u00e9j\u00e0 vu. Istrionizmat, p\u00ebrgjigjet e leh\u00ebta, denoncimet e t\u00ebrbuara nga nj\u00eb elite nebuloze q\u00eb e ka kuptuar shum\u00eb von\u00eb rrezikun\u2026 Un\u00eb e kisha par\u00eb tashm\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb film m\u00eb par\u00eb. Vet\u00ebm se kurr\u00eb n\u00eb anglisht\u201d.<\/p>\n
Jo rast\u00ebsisht, menj\u00ebher\u00eb pas zgjedhjes s\u00eb Trump, Na\u00edm shkroi subjektin e nj\u00eb serie q\u00eb n\u00eb 2017 rr\u00ebfeu jet\u00ebn e vet\u00eb Ch\u00e1vez n\u00eb 102 episode p\u00ebr nj\u00eb televizor kolumbian. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb rast i kishim b\u00ebr\u00eb nj\u00eb intervist\u00eb p\u00ebr \u201cIl Foglio\u201d, ku i kishin k\u00ebrkuar se mos ishte pik\u00ebrisht fundi i pushtetit me origjin\u00ebn e val\u00ebs populiste. P\u00ebrcjellim p\u00ebrgjigjen e at\u00ebhershme: \u201cKa mund\u00ebsi \u00ebsht\u00eb k\u00ebshtu. Njer\u00ebzit d\u00ebshirojn\u00eb nj\u00eb pushtet q\u00eb zgjidh gj\u00ebrat, d\u00ebshiron mbrojtje, d\u00ebshiron t\u00eb d\u00ebgjoj\u00eb se \u00ebsht dikush n\u00eb pushtet, d\u00ebshiron t\u00eb d\u00ebgjoj\u00eb se \u00ebsht\u00eb dikush q\u00eb po mbron interesat e tyre dhe p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb i besohet Trump, por q\u00eb n\u00eb fund nuk arrijn\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebjn\u00eb asgj\u00eb edhe ata\u201d.<\/p>\n
Nuk dijm\u00eb se kjo ka qen\u00eb burimi i frym\u00ebzimit, por ky lib\u00ebr i fundit \u00eb\u00ebviz sakt\u00ebsisht p\u00ebrgjat\u00eb k\u00ebsaj linje analizash. Pik\u00ebrisht p\u00ebr k\u00ebrkes\u00ebn e m\u00ebrzitshme t\u00eb nj\u00eb pushteti n\u00eb gjendje t\u00eb vendos\u00eb po p\u00ebrfitojn\u00eb autokrat\u00ebt aspirant\u00eb q\u00eb tashm\u00eb jan\u00eb zgjedhur t\u00eb gjith\u00eb n\u00eb demokraci, por punojn\u00eb m\u00eb pas p\u00ebr ta \u00e7instaluar. \u201cShpesh jan\u00eb novator\u00eb, por q\u00eb nuk p\u00ebrdorin instrumenta t\u00eb rinj, por ndjekin nj\u00eb rol shum\u00eb ndryshe. Risit\u00eb e tyre politike e kan\u00eb ndryshuar thell\u00ebsisht m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn ku pushteti fitohet dhe mbahet n\u00eb shekullin e XXI\u201d.<\/p>\n
\u201cNj\u00eb form\u00eb pushteti e kufizuar dhe kontigjent nuk do t\u00eb mjaftoj\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb k\u00ebnaqur autokrat\u00ebt aspirant\u00eb q\u00eb kan\u00eb m\u00ebsuar t\u00eb shfryt\u00ebzoj\u00eb tendenca si migracione, dob\u00ebsi ekonomike e shtres\u00ebs s\u00eb mesme, politik\u00eb identitare, frik\u00ebrat e ngjallura nga globalizimi, pushteti i mediave sociale dhe dalja e inteligjenc\u00ebs artificiale. N\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha zonat gjeografike dhe n\u00eb \u00e7do lloj rrethane kan\u00eb demonstruar se e duan pushtetin pa kufizime dhe e duan p\u00ebrgjithmon\u00eb. K\u00ebta autokrat\u00eb aspirant\u00eb duhet t\u00eb p\u00ebrballojn\u00eb nj\u00eb seri t\u00eb re opsionesh dhe kan\u00eb grupe t\u00eb rinj instrumentash q\u00eb mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrdorin p\u00ebr t\u00eb rivendikuar nj\u00eb pushtet t\u00eb pakufizuar. Shum\u00eb prej k\u00ebtyre instrumentave nuk ekzistonin vet\u00ebm pak vite m\u00eb par\u00eb. T\u00eb tjer\u00eb jan\u00eb t\u00eb vjet\u00ebr, por kombinohen n\u00eb m\u00ebnyra t\u00eb reja me teknologji emergjente dhe tendeca t\u00eb reja sociale p\u00ebr t\u2019u b\u00ebr\u00eb shum\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb fuqish\u00ebm nga sa nuk kan\u00eb qen\u00eb asnj\u00ebher\u00eb m\u00eb par\u00eb. Ja pse n\u00eb vitet e fundit kemi asistuar n\u00eb suksesin e nj\u00eb race t\u00eb re k\u00ebrkuesish t\u00eb pushtetit: lideri jokonvencional q\u00eb kan\u00eb asistuar n\u00eb dekadimin e pushtetit tradicional dhe kan\u00eb kuptuar se nj\u00eb qasje rr\u00ebnj\u00ebsisht e re mund t\u2019u hap atyre mund\u00ebsi deri m\u00eb tani jo t\u00eb shfryt\u00ebzuara. Kan\u00eb lindur n\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb bot\u00ebn, nga vendet m\u00eb t\u00eb pasura tek m\u00eb t\u00eb varf\u00ebrat, nga m\u00eb t\u00eb sofistikuarit institucionalisht tek ato m\u00eb t\u00eb prapambeturit. Kam n\u00eb mendje k\u00ebtu Donald Trump, natyrisht, por edhe venezuelianin Hugo Ch\u00e1vez, hungarezin Viktor Orb\u00e1n, Rodrigo Duterte e Filipineve, Narendra Modin e Indis\u00eb, brazilianin Jair Bolsonaro, turkun Recep Tayyip Erdogan, Nayib Bukele e El Salvadorit dhe shum\u00eb t\u00eb tjer\u00eb\u201d.<\/p>\n
Gjithmon\u00eb n\u00eb kapitullin e 9 v\u00ebren se \u201cprej 25 vendeve m\u00eb t\u00eb popzulluara t\u00eb bot\u00ebs, 4 jan\u00eb autokraci q\u00eb nuk mbahen mbi baz\u00ebn e strategjis\u00eb 3 P (Kina, Egjipti, Vietnami dhe Tailanda) dhe 10 t\u00eb tjer\u00eb kan\u00eb par\u00eb lider\u00eb t\u00eb ngjiten n\u00eb pushtet n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet p\u00ebrdorimit t\u00eb populizmit, polarizimit dhe pas s\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00ebs: India, Shtetet e Bashkuara, Brazili, Rusia, Meksika, Filipinet, Turqia, Irani, Mbret\u00ebria e Bashkuar dhe Italia\u201d.<\/p>\n
\u201cK\u00ebta autokrat\u00eb t\u00eb rinj kan\u00eb eksperimentuar teknika t\u00eb reja p\u00ebr t\u00eb fituar fuqi t\u00eb pakufizuar dhe m\u00eb pas p\u00ebr ta ruajtur sa m\u00eb gjat\u00eb t\u00eb jet\u00eb e mundur. Objektivi i tyre final, jo gjithmon\u00eb i arritsh\u00ebm, por gjithmon\u00eb objekt i nj\u00eb lufte t\u00eb ashp\u00ebr p\u00ebr ta fituar, \u00ebsht\u00eb pushteti p\u00ebr jet\u00ebn. \u00c7do tendenc\u00eb q\u00eb dob\u00ebson pushtetin e tyre konsiderohet nj\u00eb k\u00ebrc\u00ebnim\u201d.<\/p>\n
\u201cK\u00ebta lider\u00eb po i p\u00ebrshtaten panoram\u00ebs s\u00eb re, duke improvizuar taktika t\u00eb reja dhe duke riprojektuar ato t\u00eb vjetrat p\u00ebr t\u00eb rritur aft\u00ebsin\u00eb e imponimit t\u00eb vullnetit t\u00eb tyre mbi t\u00eb tjer\u00ebt. Pavar\u00ebsisht r\u00ebnd\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb madhe komb\u00ebtare, kulturore, diferencat institucionale dhe ideologjike midis vendeve nga ku dalin, rolet e tyre duken \u00e7udit\u00ebrisht t\u00eb ngjash\u00ebm. P\u00ebr shembull, presidenti i Brazilit Jair Bolsonaro dhe meksikani Andr\u00e9s Manuel L\u00f3pez Obrador nuk ka sesi t\u00eb mos jen\u00eb ideologjikisht ndryshe, as m\u00eb t\u00eb ngjash\u00ebm m\u00eb stilin e tyre t\u00eb lidershipit. El Salvadori i vog\u00ebl, i varf\u00ebruar dhe i prapambetur dhe superfuqia masive dhe e sofistikuar e Shteteve t\u00eb Bashkuara nuk ka sesi t\u00eb mos jen\u00eb vende m\u00eb t\u00eb ndryshme, por Nayib Bukele dhe Donald Trump qeverisin me nj\u00eb rol \u00e7udit\u00ebrisht t\u00eb ngjash\u00ebm\u201d.<\/p>\n
Formula p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb personazhe \u00ebsht pik\u00ebrisht e mbledhur n\u00eb tre P: \u201cLider\u00eb politik\u00eb q\u00eb arrijn\u00eb pushtetin n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb ar\u00ebsyeshme me zgjedhje demokratike dhe m\u00eb pas \u00e7montojn\u00eb kontrollet ndaj pushtetit ekzekutiv n\u00ebprmjet populizmit, polarizimit dhe pas s\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00ebs\u201d.<\/p>\n
\u201cN\u00eb realitet, jan\u00eb tendenca q\u00eb ekzistonin m\u00eb par\u00eb\u201d, na shpjegon Na\u00edm. \u201cPor n\u00eb shekullin e XXI kan\u00eb fituar nj\u00eb fuqi t\u00eb paprecedent\u201d.<\/p>\n
\u201cPopulizmi ngat\u00ebrrohet shpesh me nj\u00eb ideologji, por n\u00eb realitet populist\u00ebt mund t\u00eb jen\u00eb t\u00eb djatht\u00eb e t\u00eb majt\u00eb. P\u00ebr vende t\u00eb zhvilluara t\u00eb pasura dhe vendeve t\u00eb n\u00ebnzhvilluara t\u00eb varf\u00ebra. K\u00ebshtu q\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb ideologji, por nj\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb p\u00ebr fitimin e pushtetit e bazuar mbi th\u00ebnien e famshme \u201cdivide et impera\u201d. Ka nj\u00eb popull finsik \u2013 t\u00eb cilit autokrati aspirant i ofrohet si mbrojt\u00ebs \u2013 viktim\u00eb e nj\u00eb elite t\u00eb pangopur. Populizmi, gjithmon\u00eb i ekzistuar, \u00ebsht\u00eb amplifikuar nga nj\u00eb polarizim q\u00eb megjithat\u00eb ka ekzistuar gjithmon\u00eb. Vet\u00eb demokracia bazohet mbi nj\u00eb konflikt midis idesh\u00eb t\u00eb ndryshme, por tani idet\u00eb po z\u00ebvend\u00ebsohen nga identitetet: t\u00eb gjinis\u00eb, seksualitetit, t\u00eb politik\u00ebs, t\u00eb fes\u00eb, nga pik\u00ebpamje t\u00eb ndryshme mbi globalizimin, mbi emigracionin, mbi rac\u00ebn. Nuk ka m\u00eb nj\u00eb vend me shum\u00eb komponent\u00eb, por tribu nj\u00ebra kund\u00ebr tjetr\u00ebs t\u00eb armatosura dhe pas e v\u00ebrteta thekson populizmin dhe polarizimin. Edhe propaganda ka ekzistuar gjithmon\u00eb, por me rrjetet sociale fiton nj\u00eb fuqi t\u00eb paprecedent\u201d.<\/p>\n
K\u00ebmb\u00ebngulet shum\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb moment mbi rolin e Rusis\u00eb tek pas e v\u00ebrteta\u2026 \u201cPor \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb gj\u00eb e llojit t\u00eb e kishin b\u00ebr\u00eb kompanit\u00eb amerikane prodhuese t\u00eb cigareve n\u00eb vitet \u201850 e \u201860, p\u00ebr t\u00eb luftuar d\u00ebshmit\u00eb n\u00eb rritje mbi d\u00ebmet e duhanit\u201d.<\/p>\n
\u00cbsht\u00eb p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb faktit q\u00eb politika nuk arrin m\u00eb t\u00eb zgjidh\u00eb problemet q\u00eb identitet ze v\u00ebndin e programeve? \u201cPik\u00ebrisht. P\u00ebrball\u00eb pasiguris\u00eb, k\u00ebrkohet strehim n\u00eb nj\u00eb vendstrehim tribal\u201d.<\/p>\n
Por Putini ka besuar aq shum\u00eb n\u00eb vet\u00eb propagand\u00ebn e tij sa q\u00eb ka r\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb kurth. Edhe regjimi kinez, me furin\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb besoj\u00eb n\u00eb propagand\u00ebn e tij e t\u00eb pasurit t\u00eb metod\u00ebs fitimtare p\u00ebr t\u00eb zgjidhur Covid-19, gjendet tani me lockdown e Shanghait dhe Pekinit. Nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb se fundi i pas s\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00ebs drejtohet kund\u00ebr kujt i praktikon? \u201cPo, ama m\u00eb pas autokracit\u00eb kan\u00eb nj\u00eb metod\u00eb t\u00eb tyren autoritare p\u00ebr ta zgjidhur problemin. E kemi par\u00eb me represionin n\u00eb Rusi kund\u00ebr kujt protestonte p\u00ebr luft\u00ebn. Pastaj un\u00eb kam nj\u00eb preokupim, q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb kombinimi i nj\u00eb bote t\u00eb goditur nga inflacioni dhe me dyshime p\u00ebr demokracin\u00eb. Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb epok\u00eb ku shumica e madhe e popullsis\u00eb n\u00eb planet q\u00eb nuk e ka njohur kurr\u00eb inflacionin dhe ku ka dyshime t\u00eb m\u00ebdha mbi aft\u00ebsin\u00eb e demokracis\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb zgjidhur problemet e p\u00ebrditshme t\u00eb njer\u00ebzve. Kombinimi midis t\u00eb dyja gj\u00ebrave mund ta hedh\u00eb tej ndonj\u00eb demokraci dhe ta b\u00ebj\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00eb mbrojtjen e t\u00eb tjerave!\u201d.<\/p>\n
(nga Il Foglio<\/em>)<\/p>\n P\u00ebrgatiti<\/strong><\/p>\n ARMIN TIRANA<\/strong><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":" Pushteti e siguron hakmarrjen me goditje populizmi, polarizimi dhe pas t\u00eb v\u00ebrtete. N\u00eb \u00e7far\u00eb synojn\u00eb autokrat\u00ebt e rinj sipas Mois\u00e9s Na\u00edm. Nga fundi i pushtetit, tek hakmarrja e pushtetit, bile t\u00eb nj\u00eb pushteti gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb autoritar, q\u00eb rrezikon t\u00eb shkat\u00ebrroj\u00eb edhe demokracit\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb pjekura me goditje \u201c3 P\u201d: populiz\u00ebm, polarizim, pas e v\u00ebrtet\u00eb. …<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":4,"featured_media":12818,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[42],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-12817","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","","category-kulture"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/12817","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/4"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=12817"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/12817\/revisions"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/12818"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=12817"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=12817"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=12817"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}