{"id":13423,"date":"2022-05-25T12:07:40","date_gmt":"2022-05-25T12:07:40","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/?p=13423"},"modified":"2022-05-25T12:07:40","modified_gmt":"2022-05-25T12:07:40","slug":"paqartesia","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/2022\/05\/25\/paqartesia\/","title":{"rendered":"Paqart\u00ebsia"},"content":{"rendered":"<p><strong>\u00cbsht\u00eb nj\u00eb vend i vog\u00ebl, Republika ime \u00c7eke, dhe, si\u00e7 ndodh shpesh me vendet e vogla, ka qen\u00eb prej fuqive q\u00eb vendosin fatin ton\u00eb pa na pyetur. Qe k\u00ebshtu me Habsburg\u00ebt, pastaj me Mynihun n\u00eb 1938, me Jalt\u00ebn n\u00eb \u201845. Jemi mbrojtur me humoriz\u00ebm. Jan Palach n\u00eb \u201968 ka provuar t\u00eb na zgjoj\u00eb. Na mbetet dilema midis t\u00eb qenit viktima apo t\u00eb adoptojm\u00eb nj\u00eb virtyt m\u00eb t\u00eb madh.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Kan\u00eb kaluar sakt\u00ebsisht 50 vite nga dita ku n\u00eb sheshin kryesor t\u00eb Prag\u00ebs u ndez nj\u00eb pishtar njer\u00ebzor. \u00abPasi q\u00eb populli yn\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb pragun e d\u00ebshp\u00ebrimit, kam vendosur t\u00eb shpreh protest\u00ebn time dhe ta ndez veten n\u00eb zjarr n\u00eb em\u00ebr t\u00eb kauz\u00ebs ton\u00eb\u00bb, shkroi studenti 20 vje\u00e7ar Jan Palach p\u00ebrpara se t\u2019i hidhte vetes benzin\u00eb dhe ta ndizte shkrepsen. Gjesti i tij i d\u00ebshp\u00ebruar d\u00ebshironte t\u00eb nxiste qytetar\u00ebt e \u00c7ekosllovakis\u00eb socialiste, me tanket e Rusis\u00eb q\u00eb synonin nga dritaret, n\u00eb rebelim. Shpirti i brisht\u00eb i studentit t\u00eb Historis\u00eb nuk duronte t\u2019i shihte bashk\u00ebkombasit e tij t\u00eb ulnin kok\u00ebn, t\u00eb mundur nga nj\u00eb letargji q\u00eb qysh n\u00eb momente \u00a0t\u00eb tjera historike vendimtare i kishte mundur, n\u00eb vend q\u00eb t\u00eb luftonin p\u00ebr idet\u00eb demokratike e Pranver\u00ebs s\u00eb Prag\u00ebs t\u00eb 1968. Pa asnj\u00eb forme rezistence qen\u00eb p\u00ebrshtatur me kushtet e reja t\u00eb diktuara nga pushtuesit, duke e duruar humbjen si fatin e pashmangsh\u00ebm t\u00eb nj\u00eb kombi t\u00eb vog\u00ebl. \u00c7far\u00eb fakti tjet\u00ebr do ta priste nj\u00eb shtet t\u00eb vog\u00ebl, i ndodhur p\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr n\u00eb nj\u00eb zon\u00eb mjaft t\u00eb paqart\u00eb e Europ\u00ebs Qendrore, i tendosur nga historia, midis superfuqive Rusi dhe Gjermani?<\/p>\n<p>N\u00eb librin <em>Per\u00ebndimi i sekuestruar. Dometh\u00ebn\u00eb tragjedia e Europ\u00ebs Qendrore<\/em> e vitit 1983, bashk\u00ebkombasi im Milan Kundera, shkrimtar i shquar n\u00eb nivel bot\u00ebror, propozoi k\u00ebt\u00eb p\u00ebrkufizim: \u00abVendet e vogla jan\u00eb ato shtete ekzistenca e t\u00eb cil\u00ebve mund t\u00eb vihet n\u00eb dyshim n\u00eb \u00e7do moment. Nj\u00eb vend i vog\u00ebl mund t\u00eb zhduket dhe \u00ebsht\u00eb goxha i vet\u00ebdijsh\u00ebm. N\u00eb francez, nj\u00eb rus apo nj\u00eb anglez nuk do ta ngrinin kurr\u00eb pyetjen n\u00ebse shteti i tyre do t\u00eb arrij\u00eb t\u00eb mbijetoj\u00eb. Himnet e tyre flasin vet\u00ebm p\u00ebr madh\u00ebshti dhe p\u00ebrjet\u00ebsi\u00bb. N\u00eb nj\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb apo n\u00eb nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr, himnet e shteteve t\u00eb Europ\u00ebs Qendrore p\u00ebrq\u00ebndrohen kryesisht mbi luft\u00ebn p\u00ebr liri. Polak\u00ebt, q\u00eb pavar\u00ebsisht dimensioneve m\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdha, ndajn\u00eb me shtetet e vogla preokupimin p\u00ebr mbijetes\u00ebn e tyre, inkurajohen me fjal\u00ebt \u00abPolonia nuk do t\u00eb vdes\u00eb derikur ne do t\u00eb jemi n\u00eb jet\u00eb!\u00bb, nd\u00ebrsa sllovak\u00ebt n\u00eb k\u00ebng\u00ebn e tyre t\u00eb gjall\u00eb ngush\u00ebllohen me shpres\u00ebn se, pavar\u00ebsisht shtypjes s\u00eb at\u00ebhershme hungareze, nj\u00eb dit\u00eb \u00absllovak\u00ebt do ta rimarrin veten!\u00bb. N\u00eb t\u00eb kund\u00ebrt, himni \u00e7ek \u00ebsht\u00eb i nd\u00ebrthurur me melankoli dhe fillon me fjal\u00ebt: \u00abKu \u00ebsht\u00eb atdheu yn\u00eb?\u00bb. Violinisti \u00e7ek q\u00eb e k\u00ebndoi p\u00ebr her\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb, m\u00eb 1834, si pjes\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00eb vepre teatrale, shprehte nostalgjin\u00eb e tij p\u00ebr truallin e lindjes, ende t\u00eb dominuar nga Habsburg\u00ebt, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt gjat\u00eb qeveris\u00eb despotike t\u00eb kancelarit Metternich, i pat\u00ebn thithur \u00e7do energji jetike. Fjal\u00ebt hyr\u00ebse t\u00eb himnit \u00e7ek shprehin ndjenj\u00ebn baz\u00eb, q\u00eb nga fundi i Mesjet\u00ebs heroike, ka vazhduar t\u00eb na shoq\u00ebroj\u00eb n\u00eb t\u00eb gjith\u00eb epok\u00ebn moderne. Paqart\u00ebsi ekzistenciale. Protagonisti \u00e7ek i p\u00ebrgjigjet pyetjes se ku \u00ebsht\u00eb atdheu i tij duke e vendosur n\u00eb nj\u00eb vend q\u00eb e p\u00ebrshkruan si nj\u00eb parajs\u00eb, tok\u00ebn e Bohemis\u00eb. T\u00eb gjith\u00eb bashk\u00ebkombasit e tij, t\u00eb at\u00ebhersh\u00ebm dhe t\u00eb sotsh\u00ebm, nuk do t\u00eb dyshonin as edhe p\u00ebr nj\u00eb \u00e7ast se kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb toka e tyre. Nd\u00ebrsa nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb e sigurt\u00eb q\u00eb shtetet fqinje ta njohin si t\u00eb till\u00eb.<\/p>\n<p>P\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb dimensioneve t\u00eb reduktuara t\u00eb shtetit t\u00eb tyre, i vendosur midis lindjes dhe per\u00ebndimit, \u00e7ek\u00ebt jan\u00eb konsideruar gjithmon\u00eb nj\u00eb popull i c\u00ebnuesh\u00ebm, pre e leht\u00eb e fuqive t\u00eb m\u00ebdha dhe agreisve, dhe nj\u00eb popull me viktima, p\u00ebr ta shprehur me gjuh\u00ebn e patriot\u00ebve t\u00eb shekullit t\u00eb XIX, nj\u00eb popull p\u00ebllumbash. Fatkeq\u00ebsisht, ndjesi q\u00eb p\u00ebrmban nj\u00eb doz\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00ebsie. P\u00ebr shekuj me radh\u00eb, tokat e Kuror\u00ebs s\u00eb Bohemis\u00eb kishin p\u00ebrballuar, shum\u00eb her\u00eb dhe jo gjithmon\u00eb n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb fitimtare, kolonizimet gjermane t\u00eb ndjekura n\u00eb optik\u00ebn e <em>Drang nach Osten<\/em>, \u00abshtytjes drejt Lindjes\u00bb, p\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrfunduar m\u00eb pas n\u00ebn dominimin e monarkis\u00eb habsburgase, n\u00ebn hegjemonin\u00eb e s\u00eb cil\u00ebs kishin eksperimentuar zhg\u00ebnjimin e pasuar ndaj l\u00ebvizjeve revolucionare t\u00eb 1848. Kur n\u00eb 1867 u firmos kompromisi austrohungareu, pa i mbajtur parasysh aspak \u00e7ek\u00ebt, zhg\u00ebnjimi i transformua n\u00eb dhimbje t\u00eb hidhur. Fati i \u00e7ek\u00ebve ishte vendosur praktikisht tjet\u00ebrkund dhe pa ta. N\u00eb vijim t\u00eb disa ngjarjeve ky\u00e7e i v\u00ebrtetojn\u00eb k\u00ebto <em>t\u00f2pos<\/em>. Marr\u00ebveshja e Mynihut, e p\u00ebrfunduar n\u00eb shtatorin e 1938, \u00ebsht\u00eb ngulitur thell\u00eb n\u00eb kujtes\u00ebn kolektive popullore dhe perceptohet akoma nga \u00e7ek\u00ebt si nj\u00eb tradh\u00ebti nga ana e aleat\u00ebve, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt pa i mund\u00ebsuar qeveris\u00eb \u00e7eke t\u00eb marr\u00eb pjes\u00eb n\u00eb traktativa, ia ceduan pjes\u00eb t\u00eb territorit t\u00eb tyre Adolf Hitlerit. Edhe n\u00eb Jalt\u00eb, m\u00eb 1945, u vendos p\u00ebr \u00e7ek\u00ebt dhe 23 vite m\u00eb von\u00eb erdhi nj\u00eb zhg\u00ebnjim tjet\u00ebr nga ana e aleat\u00ebve, shtetet mike t\u00eb Traktatit t\u00eb Varshav\u00ebs, q\u00eb me urdh\u00ebr t\u00eb Bashkimit Sovjetik pushtuan shtetin e tyre \u00e7ek duke i dh\u00ebn\u00eb fund atij procesi demokratizimi pas Pranver\u00ebs s\u00eb Prag\u00ebs.<\/p>\n<p>Ky bilanc i trishtuar nga historia \u00e7eke ka ushqyer gjithmon\u00eb \u2013 fatkeq\u00ebsisht \u2013 vet\u00ebdijen ton\u00eb popullore, urt\u00ebsin\u00eb q\u00eb p\u00ebrcillet nga gjenerata dhe i ka dh\u00ebn\u00eb origjin\u00eb figur\u00ebs s\u00eb shakaxhiut, q\u00eb v\u00ebren me nj\u00eb mrekulli t\u00eb pafajshme e f\u00ebminore, me humoriz\u00ebm t\u00eb ve\u00e7ant\u00eb, urin\u00eb p\u00ebr lavdi, madh\u00ebshti dhe pushtet t\u00eb njer\u00ebzve. I referohem ushtarit t\u00eb mir\u00eb \u0160vejk, ka mund\u00ebsi personazhit m\u00eb popullor t\u00eb let\u00ebrsis\u00eb \u00e7eke, protagonist i romanit t\u00eb Jaroslav Ha\u0161ek. Nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb e pazakont\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb huajt na referohen ne \u00e7ek\u00ebve si popullit i \u0160vejk\u00ebve; Reinhard Heydrich, guvernator i Protektoratit t\u00eb Bohemis\u00eb dhe Moravis\u00eb gjat\u00eb Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Dyt\u00eb Bot\u00ebrore, na quajti \u201ckafsh\u00eb q\u00eb qeshin\u201d. Urt\u00ebsia e m\u00ebsip\u00ebrme, e p\u00ebrcjell\u00eb nga breza, ka kontribuar n\u00eb fakt t\u00eb zhvillohet brenda nesh nj\u00eb strategji e ve\u00e7ant\u00eb mbijetese. T\u00eb m\u00ebsuar me humbjet e historis\u00eb kemi m\u00ebsuar n\u00eb situatat e rrezikut serioz q\u00eb t\u00eb shmangemi nga t\u00eb luftuarit, t\u00eb p\u00ebrshtatemi q\u00eb t\u00eb mund t\u00eb mbijetojm, gj\u00eb q\u00eb rezulton m\u00eb e leht\u00eb me ndihm\u00ebn e humorizmit, valvul e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme shfryrjeje p\u00ebr frustrimet. Prapa mask\u00ebs qesharake p\u00ebr t\u00eb cil\u00ebn fliste Heydrich fshiheshin patriot\u00eb rebel\u00eb q\u00eb nuk kishin asnj\u00eb q\u00ebllim t\u2019i dor\u00ebzoheshin humbjes s\u00eb liris\u00eb komb\u00ebtare. \u00ab\u00c7ek\u00ebt jan\u00eb servil\u00eb dhe t\u00eb but\u00eb si deg\u00ebt q\u00eb i n\u00ebnshtrohen prekjes s\u00eb par\u00eb, por m\u00eb pas t\u00eb pickojn\u00eb kur m\u00eb pak e pret\u00bb, shpalli mbrojt\u00ebsi i urryer pak p\u00ebrpara se dy parashutist\u00ebt \u00e7ek\u00eb t\u2019i b\u00ebnin nj\u00eb atentat.<\/p>\n<p>Kur populli \u00e7ek, pas r\u00ebnies s\u00eb Rajhut t\u00eb Tret\u00eb, u kthye i lir\u00eb, mori pjes\u00eb e tij, anipse jasht\u00ebzakonisht t\u00eb vog\u00ebl n\u00eb krahasim me at\u00eb t\u00eb aleat\u00ebve, por paqart\u00ebsin\u00eb dhe frik\u00ebn e p\u00ebrjetshme p\u00ebr mbijetes\u00ebn e tij shpejt i k\u00ebrkuan llogari. Pas 6 vitesh pushtim \u00e7ek\u00ebt, t\u00eb gjendur t\u00eb leht\u00ebsuar prej terrorit n\u00eb t\u00eb cilin kishin asistuar, pa ju dridhur qerpiku, n\u00eb deportimet e fqinj\u00ebve t\u00eb tyre t\u00eb sht\u00ebpis\u00eb hebrenj dhe rom\u00eb, e harruan m\u00ebshir\u00ebn dhe e shfryt\u00ebzuan situat\u00ebn, q\u00eb u ofronte atyre n\u00eb nj\u00eb pjat\u00eb t\u00eb argjendt\u00eb mund\u00ebsin\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u2019u hakmarr\u00eb. Qe k\u00ebshtu q\u00eb me ardhjen e p\u00ebrz\u00ebnies s\u00eb dhunshme, pavar\u00ebsisht nga fajet efektive, nga mosha apo nga seksi, e t\u00eb gjith\u00eb gjerman\u00ebve \u00e7ekosllovak\u00eb q\u00eb jetonin n\u00eb tok\u00ebn \u00e7eke prej shekujsh. Qe presidenti i par\u00eb i pasluft\u00ebs, Edvard Bene\u0161, ai q\u00eb legjitimoi val\u00ebn e brutalitetit primordial, duke i privuar nga prona e tyre, n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet dekreteve fam\u00ebkeqe, qindra e mij\u00ebra qytetar\u00eb me shtet\u00ebsi gjermane, midis t\u00eb cil\u00ebve kishte antifashist\u00eb apo deri hebrenj q\u00eb sapo t\u00eb kthyer nga kampet e p\u00ebrq\u00ebndrimit, pan\u00eb t\u00eb konfiskoheshin deri n\u00eb tjegull\u00ebn e fundit, vet\u00ebm prej fatit se flisnin gjermanisht.<\/p>\n<p>N\u00eb ato vite ndryshimi t\u00eb pasluft\u00ebs ndodh\u00ebn shum\u00eb gj\u00ebra p\u00ebr t\u00eb cilat pararend\u00ebsit tan\u00eb duhet t\u00eb turp\u00ebroheshin. K\u00ebshtu q\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u2019u habitur q\u00eb kan\u00eb zgjedhur sa m\u00eb shpejt rrug\u00ebn e harres\u00ebs \u2014 periudha e m\u00ebtejshme e \u00e7lirimit nuk u karakterizua vet\u00ebm nga nj\u00eb kalim intensiv pron\u00ebsie, por edhe dhe sidomos nga nj\u00eb fshirje e p\u00ebrgjithshme e kujtes\u00ebs. Ishte sikur hebrenj dhe gjerman\u00eb nuk pat\u00ebn jetuar kurr\u00eb n\u00eb territorin \u00e7ek. Por harresa qe vet\u00ebm n\u00eb dukje. Faji dhe bashk\u00ebpunimi u transferuan n\u00eb vet\u00ebdijen kolektive, ku mbesin dhe qelben ende sot, n\u00eb nd\u00ebrthurjen e but\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00eb paqart\u00ebsie t\u00eb njohur ekzistenciale. Duke u b\u00ebr\u00eb k\u00ebshtu instrument i leht\u00eb manipulimi i politikave populiste. E kemi pasur shembull gjat\u00eb zgjedhjeve presidenciale t\u00eb 2014, kur kandidati Milo\u0161 Zeman ka prekur, me sakt\u00ebsi kirurgjikale, pik\u00ebn ton\u00eb t\u00eb dhembjes, duke thirrur n\u00eb kauz\u00eb t\u00eb drejt\u00ebn e gjerman\u00ebve t\u00eb p\u00ebrz\u00ebn\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u2019u kthyer n\u00eb posedim t\u00eb pasurive t\u00eb konfiskuara dhe duke mbrojtur p\u00ebrpara Europ\u00ebs dekretet e Bene\u0161, dometh\u00ebn\u00eb pronar\u00ebt aktual\u00eb dhe natyrisht k\u00ebta t\u00eb fundit kan\u00eb \u00e7muar dhe kan\u00eb mbetur kaq t\u00eb mikluar sa t\u00eb zgjdhnin president.<\/p>\n<p>Duke mos e kuptuar as edhe q\u00eb b\u00ebhet fja\u00eb p\u00ebr nj\u00eb kauz\u00eb q\u00eb nuk ka m\u00eb ar\u00ebsye t\u00eb ekzistoj\u00eb, pas gjerman\u00ebt, q\u00eb jetojn\u00eb tjet\u00ebrkund prej t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn tre gjeneratash, nuk kan\u00eb m\u00eb asnj\u00eb q\u00ebllim q\u00eb t\u00eb kthehen. Ama nj\u00eb politikan populist me nj\u00eb p\u00ebrvoj\u00eb t\u00eb caktuar nuk mund t\u00eb mos e dij\u00eb se frika e shtypur, pasi vazhdon t\u00eb jap\u00eb frutet e saj, duhet t\u00eb ushqehet. K\u00ebshtu, pasi ka larguar k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimin e shtirur t\u00eb gjerman\u00ebve, Milo\u0161 Zeman (dhe me t\u00eb figura t\u00eb larta t\u00eb spikatura t\u00eb politik\u00ebs \u00e7eke) ka kapur pseudombrojt\u00ebsit e \u00e7ek\u00ebve t\u00eb paarmatosur me vitin e emigracionit. Edhe pse mjafton nj\u00eb shikim i shpejt\u00eb n\u00eb hart\u00eb pasi \u00ebsht\u00eb menj\u00ebher\u00eb e qart\u00eb se Republika \u00c7eke ndodhet jasht\u00eb \u00e7do rruge migratore, edhe pse pak dhjet\u00ebra refugjat\u00eb q\u00eb jan\u00eb ndodhur k\u00ebtu kan\u00eb referuar me nj\u00eb z\u00eb se n\u00eb realitet qen\u00eb drejtuar p\u00ebr nga Europa Veriore. Frika se mos shteti yn\u00eb mund t\u00eb gllab\u00ebrohet nga kultura islamike ka shp\u00ebrthyer me dhun\u00eb ekstreme. Kompleksi yn\u00eb prej vendi t\u00eb vog\u00ebl ka shp\u00ebrthyer me maksimumin e forc\u00ebs s\u00eb saj, vala e urrejtjes ka tejkaluar shum\u00eb disponueshm\u00ebrin\u00eb e ndihm\u00ebs, edhe pse as p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb nuk do t\u00eb kishte pasur nevoj\u00eb, fal\u00eb vullnetar\u00ebve q\u00eb kan\u00eb shkuar n\u00eb kufirin serbo \u2013 hungarez apo n\u00eb Greqi. Nj\u00eb superfuqi (tani Bashkimi Europian) ka marr\u00eb s\u00ebrish nj\u00eb vendim p\u00ebr ne \u00e7ek\u00ebt pa ne (k\u00ebsaj radhe respektivisht \u00e7\u00ebshtjes s\u00eb kuotave). Frika p\u00ebr mbijetes\u00eb na ka shtyr\u00eb q\u00eb t\u2019ia p\u00ebrplasim der\u00ebn n\u00eb fytyr\u00eb Europ\u00ebs, pas nj\u00eb grimc\u00eb solidarieteti.<\/p>\n<p>Djajt\u00eb e frik\u00ebs dhe t\u00eb pasiguris\u00eb, kur jan\u00eb kaq t\u00eb rr\u00ebnjosur, jan\u00eb shum\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u2019u mundur, sidomos n\u00ebse ushqehen me shum\u00eb impenjim nga populist\u00ebt. Por ka gjith\u00ebsesi kush k\u00ebrkon t\u00eb na pliroj\u00eb nga burgu i tyre. ul\u00ebrima e d\u00ebshp\u00ebruar e Jan Palach n\u00eb flak\u00eb, q\u00eb na dridh me nj\u00eb letargji t\u00eb dor\u00ebzuar, nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb e vetmja. Shum\u00eb burra dhe gra, n\u00eb epoka t\u00eb ndryshme, kan\u00eb rrezikuar jet\u00ebn e tyre p\u00ebr t\u00eb zgjuar vet\u00ebdijen ton\u00eb. P\u00ebr shembull, shkrimtarja Bo\u017eena Nemcov\u00e1 nuk hezitoi, p\u00ebrpara syve t\u00eb rojeve austriake, t\u00eb vendos\u00eb nj\u00eb kuror\u00eb me gjethe mbi varrin e gazetarit t\u00eb persekutuar K. H. Borovsk\u00fd; i pamposhturi Tom\u00e1\u0161 Garrigue Masaryk, me moton e tij t\u00eb jet\u00ebs \u00abMos ki frik\u00eb dhe mos vidh!\u00bb arriti t\u00eb bind\u00eb p\u00ebr mund\u00ebsit\u00eb e mbijetes\u00ebs s\u00eb Republik\u00ebs \u00c7ekosllovake jo vet\u00ebm t\u00eb bashk\u00ebpatriot\u00ebve t\u00eb tij, q\u00eb dergjeshin midis g\u00ebrmadhave t\u00eb agonizueses Mbret\u00ebri Austrohungareze, por edhe t\u00eb fuqive t\u00eb huaja, q\u00eb e njoh\u00ebn n\u00eb 1918 shtetin e sapolindur, dhe dramaturgu V\u00e1clav Havel sakrifikoi vite t\u00eb jet\u00ebs s\u00eb tij p\u00ebr t\u00eb d\u00ebshmuar me shembullin e tij besimin n\u00eb p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsin\u00eb supreme t\u00eb njeriut, q\u00eb duhet t\u2019i drejtohet vlerave t\u00eb qenies, m\u00eb shum\u00eb sesa mbijetes\u00ebs dhe nevojave konsumiste t\u00eb tij. Pasi t\u00eb jetosh n\u00eb frik\u00eb dhe n\u00eb g\u00ebnjesht\u00ebr nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb jet\u00eb. Kredoja e tij \u00abt\u00eb jetosh n\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb dhe n\u00eb moralitet\u00bb qe nj\u00eb prej pikave ky\u00e7e, nj\u00eb vit pas promulgimit t\u00eb Charta 77, t\u00eb librit t\u00eb tij <em>Pushteti i atyre papushtet<\/em>, q\u00eb m\u00eb s\u00eb fundi tronditi themelet e regjimit komunist t\u00eb \u00c7ekosllovakis\u00eb, duke hedhur bazat p\u00ebr revolucionin e 1989, i quajtur nga populli i p\u00ebllumbave \u00abi kadifenjt\u00eb\u00bb.<\/p>\n<p>Duke shikuar prapa nga historia jon\u00eb kam p\u00ebrshtypjen se konceptimi q\u00eb kemi p\u00ebr vet\u00ebveten, fuqimisht i influencuar nga frika p\u00ebr shtetin ton\u00eb t\u00eb vog\u00ebl, bazohet mbi nj\u00eb dikotomi midis kujt k\u00ebrkon t\u00eb konsolidohet roli yn\u00eb si viktima t\u00eb pafuqishme dhe kujt n\u00eb fakt shtyr nj\u00eb virtyt m\u00eb t\u00eb madh, q\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebhet shtylla kurrizore e nj\u00eb populli t\u00eb pjekur, krenar dhe i sigurt\u00eb n\u00eb vet\u00ebvete.<\/p>\n<p>(<em>Katerina Tuckov\u00e1 \u00ebsht\u00eb diplomuar n\u00eb Historin\u00eb e Artit dhe Bohemistik\u00ebs n\u00eb Universitetin e Brnos, dhe ka siguruar nj\u00eb doktoratur\u00eb n\u00eb Historin\u00eb e Artit n\u00eb Universitetin Karlov\u00e1 t\u00eb Prag\u00ebs. Pas disa botimesh, ka debutuar n\u00eb narrativ\u00ebn me romanin <\/em>P\u00ebrz\u00ebnia<em> e Gerta Schnirch e 2009, me t\u00eb cilin ka fituar \u00e7mimin Magnesia Litera 2010. Por \u00ebsht\u00eb me <\/em>Trash\u00ebgimin\u00eb e zotave<em> q\u00eb Tuckov\u00e1 \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb nj\u00eb autore \u00a0bestseller me 200000 kopjet e shitura n\u00eb Republik\u00ebn \u00c7eke, duke fituar \u00e7mime t\u00eb shumta, midis t\u00eb cil\u00ebve \u00c7mimin \u0160kvoreck\u00fd dhe il Czech Book Award.<\/em>)<\/p>\n<p>(nga <em>La Lettura<\/em>)<\/p>\n<p><strong>P\u00ebrgatiti<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><strong>ARMIN TIRANA<\/strong><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>\u00cbsht\u00eb nj\u00eb vend i vog\u00ebl, Republika ime \u00c7eke, dhe, si\u00e7 ndodh shpesh me vendet e vogla, ka qen\u00eb prej fuqive q\u00eb vendosin fatin ton\u00eb pa na pyetur. Qe k\u00ebshtu me Habsburg\u00ebt, pastaj me Mynihun n\u00eb 1938, me Jalt\u00ebn n\u00eb \u201845. Jemi mbrojtur me humoriz\u00ebm. Jan Palach n\u00eb \u201968 ka provuar t\u00eb na zgjoj\u00eb. Na mbetet &hellip;<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":4,"featured_media":13424,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[42],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-13423","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","","category-kulture"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/13423","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/4"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=13423"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/13423\/revisions"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/13424"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=13423"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=13423"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=13423"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}