{"id":134475,"date":"2026-01-26T09:11:55","date_gmt":"2026-01-26T09:11:55","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/?p=134475"},"modified":"2026-01-26T09:11:55","modified_gmt":"2026-01-26T09:11:55","slug":"nderkombetaret-duhet-ta-falenderojne-berishen","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/2026\/01\/26\/nderkombetaret-duhet-ta-falenderojne-berishen\/","title":{"rendered":"Nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar\u00ebt duhet ta fal\u00ebnderojn\u00eb Berish\u00ebn"},"content":{"rendered":"<p><strong>Nga Reldar DEDA<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Protestat opozitare kan\u00eb qen\u00eb nj\u00eb element i pandash\u00ebm i tranzicionit, me rezultate t\u00eb ndryshme. Ato kan\u00eb ndihmuar rrotacionin e pushtetit, kan\u00eb prodhuar presion politik dhe nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar, por rrall\u00eb kan\u00eb sjell\u00eb largimin e drejtp\u00ebrdrejt\u00eb t\u00eb qeverive nga sheshi. Dy p\u00ebrjashtimet -qershori 1991 dhe marsi 1997- nuk ishin protesta klasike opozitare, por shp\u00ebrthime popullore, t\u00eb diktuara nga kriza t\u00eb thella ekonomike dhe sociale, t\u00eb cilat politika i shfryt\u00ebzoi m\u00eb pas p\u00ebr zgjidhje institucionale.<\/p>\n<p>Ky dallim \u00ebsht\u00eb thelb\u00ebsor p\u00ebr t\u00eb kuptuar edhe protest\u00ebn e djeshme t\u00eb opozit\u00ebs. Sepse ajo nuk ishte thjesht nj\u00eb grumbullim partiak, por as nj\u00eb shp\u00ebrthim i pakontrolluar popullor. Ishte di\u00e7ka n\u00eb mes: nj\u00eb protest\u00eb masive, me nerv t\u00eb fort\u00eb qytetar, por e mbajtur n\u00ebn kontroll politik. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb pik\u00eb, roli i Sali Berish\u00ebs si drejtues real i opozit\u00ebs shqiptare b\u00ebhet i pamohuesh\u00ebm.<\/p>\n<p>Protesta e djeshme tregoi se ai arriti t\u00eb organizoj\u00eb nj\u00eb pjes\u00ebmarrje t\u00eb madhe, duke kanalizuar zem\u00ebrimin popullor pa e lejuar at\u00eb t\u00eb degjeneroj\u00eb n\u00eb dhun\u00eb, n\u00eb p\u00ebrplasje me institucionet apo n\u00eb tejkalim t\u00eb \u201cvijave t\u00eb kuqe\u201d q\u00eb do ta nxirrnin protest\u00ebn nga shinat demokratike. N\u00eb nj\u00eb shoq\u00ebri t\u00eb varf\u00ebruar, t\u00eb lodhur nga korrupsioni dhe pand\u00ebshkueshm\u00ebria, ky nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb detaj i vog\u00ebl, por nj\u00eb akt p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsie politike.<\/p>\n<p>Zem\u00ebrimi popullor nuk ka nevoj\u00eb t\u00eb shpiket. Ai ekziston, ushqehet nga varf\u00ebria, korrupsioni dhe pand\u00ebshkueshm\u00ebria dhe grumbullohet prej vitesh. Sfida nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb ta ndez\u00ebsh, por ta kontrollosh. Protesta e djeshme tregoi se ky zem\u00ebrim mund t\u00eb organizohet, t\u00eb kanalizohet dhe t\u00eb mbahet brenda kufijve demokratik\u00eb. Dhe kjo nuk ndodh spontanisht.<\/p>\n<p>N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb pik\u00eb, roli i Sali Berish\u00ebs, b\u00ebhet thelb\u00ebsor. Jo si figur\u00eb simbolike, por si faktor politik q\u00eb arrin t\u00eb lokalizoj\u00eb revolt\u00ebn, duke e orientuar at\u00eb drejt nj\u00eb opozitarizmi konstruktiv dhe institucional. Protesta ishte masive, e fort\u00eb n\u00eb mesazh, por e disiplinuar n\u00eb form\u00eb. Nuk pati kap\u00ebrcim, nuk pati p\u00ebrplasje me institucionet, nuk pati dhun\u00eb, si\u00e7 duan ta etiketojn\u00eb at\u00eb. Pati ve\u00e7 simbolik\u00eb dhe nj\u00eb d\u00ebshir\u00eb qytetar\u00ebsh, deri n\u00eb ekstrem, p\u00ebr t\u2019u p\u00ebrplasur me uniformat blu dhe me institucionet gjithashtu. Mir\u00ebpo, Sali Berisha e kontrolloi zem\u00ebrimin qytetar, duke mos e l\u00ebn\u00eb t\u00eb thyej\u00eb \u201cen\u00ebn e vet\u201d. E b\u00ebri mir\u00eb apo keq, p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb do ta gjykoj\u00eb koha. Por tensioni dhe padurimi qytetar p\u00ebr t\u2019u kapur me shtetin ka shkuar aty ku s\u2019mban m\u00eb. Dje, nj\u00eb gj\u00eb e till\u00eb u evidentua mjaft qart\u00eb.<\/p>\n<p>N\u00eb nj\u00eb shoq\u00ebri t\u00eb lodhur dhe t\u00eb tensionuar, kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb shenj\u00eb kontrolli politik, jo dob\u00ebsie. Dhe jo m\u00eb kot, vet\u00ebm k\u00ebsaj radhe, mediat dhe gazetar\u00ebt e regjimit nuk u mor\u00ebn me numrin e protestuesve, nuk u mor\u00ebn as me molotov\u00ebt dhe fishekzjarr\u00ebt e opozit\u00ebs, as me fjalimet e atyre q\u00eb fol\u00ebn, sepse ajo q\u00eb u pa qart\u00eb ishte di\u00e7ka krejt tjet\u00ebr: ishte zem\u00ebrimi i qytetar\u00ebve, hak\u00ebrrimi i tyre, padurimi p\u00ebr t\u2019u kapur dhe kacafytur me shtetin, ndoshta deri n\u00eb kufijt\u00eb m\u00eb ekstrem\u00eb t\u00eb fjal\u00ebs.<\/p>\n<p>At\u00eb e vuri re menj\u00ebher\u00eb edhe Sali Berisha. Ata q\u00eb ishin aty e kuptuan po ashtu. E kuptuan m\u00eb n\u00eb fund edhe deputet\u00ebt e opozit\u00ebs, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt, si rrall\u00ebher\u00eb, u p\u00ebrball\u00ebn seriozisht me forcat dhe strukturat policore, duke e mbajtur mbi shpatulla tensionin qytetar, me iden\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb mos e l\u00ebn\u00eb at\u00eb tension t\u00eb derdhej kuturu rrug\u00ebve t\u00eb kryeqytetit.<\/p>\n<p>Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb pik\u00ebrisht ajo q\u00eb faktori nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar duhet t\u00eb lexoj\u00eb me kujdes. Heshtja p\u00ebrball\u00eb nj\u00eb zem\u00ebrimi qytetar kaq t\u00eb duksh\u00ebm nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb neutralitet; \u00ebsht\u00eb rrezik. N\u00ebse sot ky zem\u00ebrim po shprehet n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb organizuar, paq\u00ebsore dhe n\u00ebn kontroll politik, kjo ndodh sepse ekziston nj\u00eb lidership q\u00eb beson dhe ua transmeton k\u00ebt\u00eb edhe mb\u00ebshtet\u00ebsve t\u00eb vet se pushteti nuk merret me gryk\u00ebn e pushk\u00ebs, se institucionet jan\u00eb t\u00eb shenjta dhe se aleat\u00ebt strategjik\u00eb nuk jan\u00eb armik, por faktor stabiliteti.<\/p>\n<p>Pa k\u00ebt\u00eb filozofi politike, pa k\u00ebt\u00eb kufizim t\u00eb vet\u00ebdijsh\u00ebm t\u00eb revolt\u00ebs, situata do t\u00eb mund t\u00eb rr\u00ebshqiste leht\u00ebsisht n\u00eb skenar\u00eb shum\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb rreziksh\u00ebm p\u00ebr vendin. Historia shqiptare e njeh mir\u00eb se \u00e7far\u00eb ndodh kur zem\u00ebrimi popullor mbetet pa drejtim dhe pa filt\u00ebr politik.<\/p>\n<p>Kjo nuk do t\u00eb thot\u00eb se protestat, sado masive, jan\u00eb t\u00eb mjaftueshme p\u00ebr t\u00eb rr\u00ebzuar nj\u00eb qeveri. \u201cRubikoni\u201d i v\u00ebrtet\u00eb p\u00ebr opozit\u00ebn mbetet i nj\u00ebjti: shnd\u00ebrrimi i protestave nga partiake n\u00eb realisht popullore; krijimi i nj\u00eb mase kritike qytetar\u00ebsh q\u00eb e b\u00ebn qeverisjen politikisht t\u00eb paq\u00ebndrueshme; nd\u00ebrtimi i nj\u00eb konteksti nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar jo armiq\u00ebsor; dhe, mbi t\u00eb gjitha, ofrimi i nj\u00eb perspektive t\u00eb qart\u00eb p\u00ebr \u201cdit\u00ebn pas\u201d.<\/p>\n<p>Njer\u00ebzit dalin m\u00eb shum\u00eb n\u00eb shesh kur e din\u00eb \u00e7far\u00eb ndodh nes\u00ebr. Rr\u00ebzimi i nj\u00eb qeverie nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb si rr\u00ebzimi i nj\u00eb peme. K\u00ebrkon plan, p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsi dhe garanci. Protesta e djeshme tregoi se opozita ka kapacitet mobilizues dhe se zem\u00ebrimi qytetar \u00ebsht\u00eb real. Ajo tregoi gjithashtu se ky zem\u00ebrim mund t\u00eb mbahet brenda kufijve demokratik\u00eb. Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb arritje q\u00eb nuk duhet n\u00ebnvler\u00ebsuar.Tani pyetja nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00ebse protesta ishte e madhe, por n\u00ebse ajo do t\u00eb shnd\u00ebrrohet n\u00eb nj\u00eb proces politik t\u00eb men\u00e7ur, t\u00eb q\u00ebndruesh\u00ebm dhe t\u00eb kuptuesh\u00ebm edhe p\u00ebr ata partner\u00eb nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar\u00eb, mb\u00ebshtetja e t\u00eb cil\u00ebve mbetet vendimtare p\u00ebr \u00e7do \u201ckalim kufiri\u201d n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Nga Reldar DEDA Protestat opozitare kan\u00eb qen\u00eb nj\u00eb element i pandash\u00ebm i tranzicionit, me rezultate t\u00eb ndryshme. Ato kan\u00eb ndihmuar rrotacionin e pushtetit, kan\u00eb prodhuar presion politik dhe nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar, por rrall\u00eb kan\u00eb sjell\u00eb largimin e drejtp\u00ebrdrejt\u00eb t\u00eb qeverive nga sheshi. Dy p\u00ebrjashtimet -qershori 1991 dhe marsi 1997- nuk ishin protesta klasike opozitare, por shp\u00ebrthime popullore, &hellip;<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":4,"featured_media":134440,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[44],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-134475","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","","category-editorial"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/134475","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/4"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=134475"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/134475\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":134476,"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/134475\/revisions\/134476"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/134440"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=134475"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=134475"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=134475"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}