{"id":135575,"date":"2026-02-09T11:16:46","date_gmt":"2026-02-09T11:16:46","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/?p=135575"},"modified":"2026-02-09T11:16:46","modified_gmt":"2026-02-09T11:16:46","slug":"dosja-qe-fundos-establishmentin","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/2026\/02\/09\/dosja-qe-fundos-establishmentin\/","title":{"rendered":"Dosja q\u00eb fundos establishmentin"},"content":{"rendered":"
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Kur shp\u00ebrthen nj\u00eb krim i p\u00ebrmasave t\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtjes \u201cJeffrey Epstein\u201d, dhe kur rreth tre milion\u00eb dokumente sekrete b\u00ebhen publike, nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb e drejt\u00eb q\u00eb skandali t\u00eb mbaj\u00eb vet\u00ebm emrin e tij. \u00c7\u00ebshtja tejkalon individ\u00ebt e p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb drejtp\u00ebrdrejt dhe shtrihet n\u00eb institucione shkencore, politike dhe kulturore per\u00ebndimore, madje edhe n\u00eb oborre mbret\u00ebrore evropiane. Rreziku i saj nuk kufizohet vet\u00ebm te viktimat, por shkon m\u00eb tej: te vet\u00eb struktura morale q\u00eb pretendon se i garanton mbrojtje shoq\u00ebris\u00eb.<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
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Kjo q\u00eb mund t\u00eb quhet me t\u00eb drejt\u00eb \u201cskandali i qytet\u00ebrimit per\u00ebndimor\u201d ngre pyetje themelore:<\/div>\n
A kemi t\u00eb b\u00ebjm\u00eb me fytyr\u00ebn e fshehur t\u00eb nj\u00eb sistemi thelb\u00ebsisht joetik, apo po p\u00ebrballemi me nj\u00eb transformim historik t\u00eb vet\u00eb nocionit t\u00eb moralit?<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
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\u25cf Krimi sistemik dhe d\u00ebshtimi i mbik\u00ebqyrjes<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
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\u201cBomba\u201d e quajtur skandali Epstein zbulon qindra, ndoshta mij\u00ebra krime seksuale t\u00eb kryera p\u00ebr vite me radh\u00eb n\u00ebn v\u00ebzhgimin e heshtur t\u00eb institucioneve mbik\u00ebqyr\u00ebse dhe gjyq\u00ebsore. Pyetja kryesore nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb vet\u00ebm \u00e7far\u00eb ndodhi, por si ishte e mundur q\u00eb kjo t\u00eb vazhdonte kaq gjat\u00eb brenda nj\u00eb sistemi q\u00eb pretendon ep\u00ebrsi morale.<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
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\u25cf Premisat filozofike t\u00eb moralit modern per\u00ebndimor<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
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Projekti modern per\u00ebndimor iu paraqit bot\u00ebs fillimisht si projekt moral, e vet\u00ebm m\u00eb pas si projekt teknik. N\u00eb qend\u00ebr t\u00eb tij q\u00ebndronte ideja se njeriu \u00ebsht\u00eb masa e vler\u00ebs.<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
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John Locke artikuloi iden\u00eb e t\u00eb drejtave natyrore q\u00eb paraprijn\u00eb pushtetin dhe e shihte shtetin si garant t\u00eb liris\u00eb individuale (Two Treatises of Government).<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
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Immanuel Kant e ngriti dinjitetin njer\u00ebzor n\u00eb parim absolut, duke pohuar se njeriu \u00ebsht\u00eb q\u00ebllim n\u00eb vetvete dhe jo mjet (Grundlegung zur Metaphysik der Sitten).<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
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John Stuart Mill e konsideroi lirin\u00eb kusht p\u00ebr lul\u00ebzimin e s\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00ebs (On Liberty).<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
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Nga kjo trash\u00ebgimi filozofike u nd\u00ebrtua narrativa e nj\u00eb rendi moral t\u00eb bazuar n\u00eb transparenc\u00eb, sundim ligji dhe aft\u00ebsi p\u00ebr vet\u00ebkorrigjim.<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
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\u25cf Nga premtimi moral te shembja historike<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
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Ky premtim u rr\u00ebzua shpejt. Luft\u00ebrat bot\u00ebrore, totalitarizmat dhe m\u00eb pas Lufta e Ftoht\u00eb ekspozuan kontradikt\u00ebn mes diskursit t\u00eb vlerave dhe praktik\u00ebs s\u00eb pushtetit. Me fundin e Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Ftoht\u00eb, neoliberalizmi intensifikoi ndikimin e kapitalit dhe zbehu rolin moral t\u00eb shtetit, duke e b\u00ebr\u00eb kufirin mes asaj q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb e dobishme dhe asaj q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb e drejt\u00eb gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb t\u00eb paqart\u00eb.<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
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\u25cf Aleanca e kapitalit me dijen<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
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Q\u00eb nga Francis Bacon dhe formula e tij e famshme \u201cknowledge is power\u201d, dija fitoi nj\u00eb autoritet moral pothuajse absolut. Universitetet, laborator\u00ebt dhe qendrat k\u00ebrkimore u perceptuan jo vet\u00ebm si prodhues t\u00eb s\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00ebs, por edhe si burime legjitimiteti etik.<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
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Problemi nuk ishte prania e kapitalit pran\u00eb dijes, por transformimi i \u201cmb\u00ebshtetjes\u201d financiare n\u00eb mjet pastrimi moral dhe prestigji simbolik. Si\u00e7 thekson Pierre Bourdieu, kapitali simbolik ka fuqin\u00eb ta shnd\u00ebrroj\u00eb dominimin n\u00eb pranim shoq\u00ebror (La domination masculine).<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
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N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kontekst, etika nuk sh\u00ebrben m\u00eb p\u00ebr kritik\u00eb, por p\u00ebr zbukurim t\u00eb pushtetit.<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
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\u25cf Heshtja si sjellje racionale<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
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Skandali Epstein nuk zbuloi vet\u00ebm krime, por edhe heshtjen kolektive. Pyetja nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb pse disa individ\u00eb hesht\u00ebn, por si heshtja u b\u00eb e kuptueshme dhe \u201cracionale\u201d brenda nj\u00eb sistemi q\u00eb deklaron mbrojtjen e vlerave. Kjo ndodh kur morali reduktohet n\u00eb funksion dekorativ.<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
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\u25cf Nga shoku moral te kriza e narrativ\u00ebs<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
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Goditja m\u00eb e fort\u00eb e \u00e7\u00ebshtjes Epstein nuk ishte thjesht etike, por narrative. Publiku per\u00ebndimor, i ushqyer me iden\u00eb se sistemi korrigjon vetveten, u p\u00ebrball me fakte q\u00eb nuk p\u00ebrputheshin me historin\u00eb q\u00eb kishte besuar.<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
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Paul Ricoeur shpjegon se shoq\u00ebrit\u00eb kan\u00eb nevoj\u00eb p\u00ebr \u201crr\u00ebfime t\u00eb besueshme\u201d p\u00ebr t\u00eb ruajtur identitetin moral (Temps et r\u00e9cit). Kur k\u00ebto rr\u00ebfime d\u00ebshtojn\u00eb, kriza shnd\u00ebrrohet n\u00eb kriz\u00eb besimi.<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
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Komentet n\u00eb media si The New York Times dhe The Guardian e p\u00ebrshkruan k\u00ebt\u00eb situat\u00eb si nj\u00eb d\u00ebshtim sistemik, ku drejt\u00ebsia ekziston si procedur\u00eb, por jo m\u00eb si siguri morale.<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
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\u25cf Skepticizmi si gjendje kulturore<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
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Sipas Zygmunt Bauman, moderniteti i von\u00eb prodhon pasiguri morale, ku normat mbeten formalisht, por besimi n\u00eb drejt\u00ebsin\u00eb e tyre tretet (Liquid Modernity). K\u00ebshtu, skandali nuk p\u00ebrjetohet m\u00eb si p\u00ebrjashtim, por si simptom\u00eb.<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
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Hannah Arendt paralajm\u00ebronte se rreziku m\u00eb i madh nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb g\u00ebnjeshtra, por indiferenca ndaj s\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00ebs (Truth and Politics).<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
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\u25cf Kur vlerat i sh\u00ebrbejn\u00eb kapitalit<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
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Kritika e Horkheimer dhe Adorno n\u00eb Dialektik der Aufkl\u00e4rung shpjegon se racionaliteti modern mund t\u00eb shnd\u00ebrrohet n\u00eb instrument dominimi. Michel Foucault shton se pushteti modern funksionon p\u00ebrmes diskurseve \u201chumanitare\u201d q\u00eb menaxhojn\u00eb kontradiktat pa i zgjidhur ato.<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
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J\u00fcrgen Habermas paralajm\u00ebron p\u00ebr \u201ckolonizimin e bot\u00ebs s\u00eb jet\u00ebs\u201d nga sistemi ekonomik dhe administrativ (The Theory of Communicative Action).<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
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N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kuad\u00ebr, vlerat nuk zhduken, por neutralizohen.<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
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\u25cf Moderniteti: zgjidhje apo kriz\u00eb?<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
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Skandali Epstein nuk duhet lexuar si devijim rast\u00ebsor nga nj\u00eb modernitet i sh\u00ebndosh\u00eb, por si realizim i paralajm\u00ebrimeve filozofike. Ajo q\u00eb u shemb nuk ishte morali n\u00eb vetvete, por besimi se morali mund t\u00eb mbijetoj\u00eb kur administrohet nga pushteti dhe kapitali.<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
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Diskursi i ep\u00ebrsis\u00eb morale sot sh\u00ebrben m\u00eb shum\u00eb si mekaniz\u00ebm mbrojt\u00ebs sesa si mjet korrigjimi. Dhe pik\u00ebrisht k\u00ebtu, skepticizmi publik nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb reagim emocional, por q\u00ebndrim kritik i vet\u00ebdijsh\u00ebm ndaj modernitetit.\/Aljazeera.net<\/a><\/div>\n<\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Kur shp\u00ebrthen nj\u00eb krim i p\u00ebrmasave t\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtjes \u201cJeffrey Epstein\u201d, dhe kur rreth tre milion\u00eb dokumente sekrete b\u00ebhen publike, nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb e drejt\u00eb q\u00eb skandali t\u00eb mbaj\u00eb vet\u00ebm emrin e tij. \u00c7\u00ebshtja tejkalon individ\u00ebt e p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb drejtp\u00ebrdrejt dhe shtrihet n\u00eb institucione shkencore, politike dhe kulturore per\u00ebndimore, madje edhe n\u00eb oborre mbret\u00ebrore evropiane. Rreziku i saj …<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":3,"featured_media":135576,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[38],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-135575","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","","category-bota"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/135575","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/3"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=135575"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/135575\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":135577,"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/135575\/revisions\/135577"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/135576"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=135575"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=135575"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=135575"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}