{"id":147588,"date":"2026-07-04T16:58:24","date_gmt":"2026-07-04T16:58:24","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/?p=147588"},"modified":"2026-07-04T16:58:24","modified_gmt":"2026-07-04T16:58:24","slug":"nje-thirrje-zgjuese-per-te-cilen-sot-ka-nevoje-spak","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/2026\/07\/04\/nje-thirrje-zgjuese-per-te-cilen-sot-ka-nevoje-spak\/","title":{"rendered":"Nj\u00eb thirrje zgjuese p\u00ebr t\u00eb cil\u00ebn sot ka nevoj\u00eb SPAK"},"content":{"rendered":"

Nga\u00a0Ndri\u00e7im KULLA<\/strong><\/p>\n

N\u00eb sisteme ku besimi publik \u00ebsht\u00eb i humbur, \u00e7do fjal\u00eb e nj\u00eb drejtuesi t\u00eb organit t\u00eb akuz\u00ebs merr pesh\u00ebn e nj\u00eb akti institucional. Pik\u00ebrisht p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb arsye, deklarata e kreut t\u00eb SPAK se “nuk mund t\u00eb them sot n\u00ebse do t\u00eb ket\u00eb apo jo nj\u00eb k\u00ebrkes\u00eb tjet\u00ebr” p\u00ebr \u00e7\u00ebshtjen Balluku nuk u perceptua si nj\u00eb shprehje e zakonshme e kujdesit procedural, por si nj\u00eb sinjal pasigurie n\u00eb nj\u00eb moment kur opinioni publik priste vendosm\u00ebri.<\/p>\n

Ligji nuk i k\u00ebrkon nj\u00eb prokurori t\u00eb premtoj\u00eb rezultatin e nj\u00eb hetimi. Por ligji i k\u00ebrkon t\u00eb demonstroj\u00eb se nuk t\u00ebrhiqet p\u00ebrball\u00eb asnj\u00eb pengese politike. Kur nj\u00eb k\u00ebrkes\u00eb refuzohet nga shumica parlamentare, sfida nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb t\u00eb pranohet refuzimi si nj\u00eb fakt i kryer, por t\u00eb vazhdohet hetimi me t\u00eb gjitha mjetet q\u00eb parashikon ligji, derisa t\u00eb shterohen mund\u00ebsit\u00eb procedurale. Vet\u00ebm k\u00ebshtu krijohet bindja se drejt\u00ebsia nuk ndalet aty ku fillon pushteti.<\/p>\n

Pik\u00ebrisht k\u00ebtu lind edhe perceptimi kritik. Kur drejtuesi i SPAK, Klodian Braho, l\u00eb t\u00eb hapur mund\u00ebsin\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb mos paraqitet m\u00eb nj\u00eb k\u00ebrkes\u00eb tjet\u00ebr, nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb e opinionit publik e lexon k\u00ebt\u00eb si nj\u00eb t\u00ebrheqje p\u00ebrball\u00eb nj\u00eb vendimi politik. Ky \u00ebsht\u00eb, natyrisht, nj\u00eb perceptim dhe jo nj\u00eb fakt i provuar. Por institucionet e drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb jetojn\u00eb po aq nga besimi sa edhe nga procedura. N\u00ebse krijohet p\u00ebrshtypja se vendimi p\u00ebrfundimtar nuk p\u00ebrcaktohet m\u00eb nga prokuroria dhe gjykata, por nga raportet parlamentare t\u00eb shumic\u00ebs, at\u00ebher\u00eb d\u00ebmtohet vet\u00eb autoriteti i sistemit t\u00eb drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Ky debat tashm\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb vet\u00ebm shqiptar. Partner\u00ebt evropian\u00eb kan\u00eb theksuar vazhdimisht se suksesi i reform\u00ebs n\u00eb drejt\u00ebsi nuk matet me numrin e institucioneve t\u00eb ngritura, por me aft\u00ebsin\u00eb e tyre p\u00ebr t\u00eb hetuar pa frik\u00eb dhe pa ndikim \u00e7do zyrtar, pavar\u00ebsisht funksionit q\u00eb mban. Pavar\u00ebsia nuk provohet n\u00eb dosjet e lehta; ajo provohet pik\u00ebrisht n\u00eb rastet kur p\u00ebrball\u00eb drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb ndodhet pushteti politik.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb arsye, q\u00ebndrimi i SPAK n\u00eb nj\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje t\u00eb till\u00eb nuk mund t\u00eb mbetet i paqart\u00eb. Nj\u00eb institucion q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb krijuar p\u00ebr t\u00eb luftuar korrupsionin n\u00eb nivelet m\u00eb t\u00eb larta duhet t\u00eb jap\u00eb p\u00ebrshtypjen e nj\u00eb vendosm\u00ebrie t\u00eb pal\u00ebkundur p\u00ebr t\u00eb ndjekur \u00e7do pist\u00eb hetimore deri n\u00eb fund. \u00c7do formulim q\u00eb mund t\u00eb interpretohet si hezitim ushqen mosbesimin dhe forcon bindjen se ekzistojn\u00eb kufij politik\u00eb p\u00ebrtej t\u00eb cil\u00ebve drejt\u00ebsia nuk d\u00ebshiron ose nuk mund t\u00eb shkoj\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Prandaj, sfida e SPAK nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb t\u00eb bind\u00eb vet\u00ebm me argumente juridike, por edhe me q\u00ebndrimin q\u00eb mban p\u00ebrball\u00eb opinionit publik. N\u00ebse provat e justifikojn\u00eb, rruga duhet ndjekur deri n\u00eb fund, pavar\u00ebsisht refuzimeve politike apo kostove institucionale. Vet\u00ebm k\u00ebshtu reforma n\u00eb drejt\u00ebsi do t\u00eb d\u00ebshmoj\u00eb se i sh\u00ebrben shtetit t\u00eb s\u00eb drejt\u00ebs dhe jo ekuilibrave t\u00eb p\u00ebrkohsh\u00ebm t\u00eb pushtetit. \u00c7do alternativ\u00eb tjet\u00ebr rrezikon t\u00eb ushqej\u00eb bindjen se vendimi p\u00ebrfundimtar nuk merret aty ku e p\u00ebrcakton Kushtetuta, por aty ku p\u00ebrqendrohet forca politike.<\/p>\n

Kriza nuk buron gjithmon\u00eb nga mungesa e ligjeve, por nga m\u00ebnyra se si ato zbatohen, ose, m\u00eb sakt\u00eb, nga bindja e qytetar\u00ebve se ato nuk zbatohen me t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn mas\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb gjith\u00eb. N\u00eb ato \u00e7aste fillon t\u00eb zbehet jo vet\u00ebm autoriteti i institucioneve, por edhe vet\u00eb ideja e drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb, sepse, si\u00e7 e kishte kuptuar prej koh\u00ebsh Montesquieu, ligji nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb thjesht nj\u00eb tekst i shkruar, por marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnia morale q\u00eb krijohet nd\u00ebrmjet pushtetit dhe qytetarit. Kur kjo marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie dob\u00ebsohet, nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb vet\u00ebm besimi q\u00eb humbet; \u00ebsht\u00eb vet\u00eb shteti q\u00eb fillon t\u00eb humbas\u00eb arsyen e ekzistenc\u00ebs s\u00eb tij.<\/p>\n

Pik\u00ebrisht k\u00ebtu lind edhe pyetja q\u00eb, sidomos sot, d\u00ebgjohet gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb shpesh n\u00eb opinionin publik: a po funksionon drejt\u00ebsia sipas standardeve t\u00eb barazis\u00eb kushtetuese, apo po krijohet p\u00ebrshtypja se disa dosje ecin me nj\u00eb shpejt\u00ebsi t\u00eb pazakont\u00eb, nd\u00ebrsa disa t\u00eb tjera mbeten n\u00eb nj\u00eb heshtje q\u00eb nuk shpjegohet dot me argumente juridike? N\u00eb nj\u00eb republik\u00eb demokratike nuk mjafton q\u00eb drejt\u00ebsia t\u00eb jet\u00eb e paanshme; ajo duhet edhe t\u00eb duket e till\u00eb. Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb nga parimet themelore t\u00eb kultur\u00ebs juridike moderne, sepse besimi publik nuk ushqehet vet\u00ebm nga vendimet, por edhe nga koherenca e veprimit institucional.<\/p>\n

Debati publik rreth figur\u00ebs s\u00eb z\u00ebvend\u00ebskryeministres dhe ministres s\u00eb Infrastruktur\u00ebs dhe Energjis\u00eb, Belinda Balluku, \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb shembull i k\u00ebsaj dileme. Jan\u00eb artikuluar n\u00eb media, n\u00eb deklarata politike dhe n\u00eb hap\u00ebsir\u00ebn publike nj\u00eb s\u00ebr\u00eb pretendimesh dhe akuzash, t\u00eb cilat kan\u00eb prodhuar jo pak debat. Vet\u00eb ekzistenca e k\u00ebtyre pretendimeve nuk p\u00ebrb\u00ebn prov\u00eb dhe as mund t\u00eb z\u00ebvend\u00ebsoj\u00eb procesin penal; por, n\u00ebse ato jan\u00eb t\u00eb natyr\u00ebs q\u00eb, sipas ligjit, k\u00ebrkojn\u00eb verifikim paraprak, at\u00ebher\u00eb qytetari ka t\u00eb drejt\u00eb t\u00eb pyes\u00eb n\u00ebse jan\u00eb trajtuar me t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtin standard q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrdorur n\u00eb raste t\u00eb tjera. Heshtja institucionale, kur nuk shoq\u00ebrohet me nj\u00eb shpjegim t\u00eb qart\u00eb procedural, shpesh prodhon m\u00eb shum\u00eb mosbesim sesa vet\u00eb hetimi.<\/p>\n

E nj\u00ebjta logjik\u00eb, madje edhe m\u00eb shqet\u00ebsuese, vlen edhe p\u00ebr kryeministrin Edi Rama. N\u00eb hap\u00ebsir\u00ebn publike jan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb nd\u00ebr vite akuza dhe jan\u00eb publikuar materiale t\u00eb ndryshme dhe konkrete q\u00eb kan\u00eb nxitur debat politik dhe mediatik. Nuk i takon opinionit publik t\u00eb vendos\u00eb faj\u00ebsin\u00eb dhe as publicistik\u00ebs t\u00eb z\u00ebvend\u00ebsoj\u00eb gjykat\u00ebn. Por pik\u00ebrisht p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb arsye lind nevoja q\u00eb institucionet p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebse t\u00eb veprojn\u00eb me transparenc\u00ebn e nevojshme p\u00ebr t\u00eb sqaruar n\u00ebse k\u00ebto pretendime p\u00ebrb\u00ebjn\u00eb ose jo baz\u00eb ligjore p\u00ebr verifikime. Heshtja nuk e mbyll debatin; p\u00ebrkundrazi, e zgjat at\u00eb pafund\u00ebsisht.<\/p>\n

Albert Camus shkruante se padrejt\u00ebsia nuk fillon vet\u00ebm kur d\u00ebnohet nj\u00eb i pafajsh\u00ebm; ajo fillon edhe kur shoq\u00ebria humbet besimin se e v\u00ebrteta k\u00ebrkohet me t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtin zell p\u00ebr t\u00eb gjith\u00eb. Ky \u00ebsht\u00eb ndoshta testi m\u00eb i r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm p\u00ebr \u00e7do institucion t\u00eb drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb. N\u00ebse qytetari krijon bindjen se pesha e ligjit ndryshon sipas pesh\u00ebs politike t\u00eb individit, at\u00ebher\u00eb kriza nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb juridike; ajo b\u00ebhet morale.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb filozofin\u00eb e s\u00eb drejt\u00ebs ekziston nj\u00eb parim i lasht\u00eb, i shprehur n\u00eb tradit\u00ebn romake:\u00a0fiat justitia, ruat caelum\u00a0\u2013 le t\u00eb b\u00ebhet drejt\u00ebsi edhe sikur t\u00eb shemben qiejt. Ky parim nuk k\u00ebrkon d\u00ebnime me \u00e7do kusht; ai k\u00ebrkon q\u00eb askush t\u00eb mos jet\u00eb p\u00ebrtej mund\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb hetimit, n\u00ebse ekzistojn\u00eb bazat q\u00eb parashikon ligji. P\u00ebrndryshe krijohet nj\u00eb paradoks i rreziksh\u00ebm: drejt\u00ebsia fillon t\u00eb matet jo me tekstin e ligjit, por me peshoren e politik\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

Nj\u00eb institucion fiton autoritet jo kur vepron shum\u00eb, por kur vepron nj\u00ebsoj ndaj kujtdo. Historia e sistemeve demokratike d\u00ebshmon se besimi publik nuk nd\u00ebrtohet mbi spektaklin e arrestimeve dhe as mbi heshtjen ndaj figurave t\u00eb pushtetshme, si Edi Rama, q\u00eb edhe po ndodh sot me SPAK. Ai nd\u00ebrtohet mbi nj\u00eb standard t\u00eb vet\u00ebm, t\u00eb parashikuesh\u00ebm dhe t\u00eb verifikuesh\u00ebm. \u00c7do devijim nga ky standard, qoft\u00eb edhe vet\u00ebm n\u00eb perceptim, e shkat\u00ebrron legjitimitetin e institucionit.<\/p>\n

Prandaj, thirrja q\u00eb i drejtohet sot SPAK-ut nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb k\u00ebrkes\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb shpallur fajtor\u00eb njer\u00ebz pa gjykim dhe as nj\u00eb k\u00ebrkes\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb ndjekur logjik\u00ebn e opinionit publik. \u00cbsht\u00eb nj\u00eb thirrje shum\u00eb m\u00eb e thjesht\u00eb dhe shum\u00eb m\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00eb: t\u00eb shpjegoj\u00eb, t\u00eb veproj\u00eb sipas ligjit dhe t\u00eb tregoj\u00eb me transparenc\u00eb se standardi \u00ebsht\u00eb i nj\u00ebjt\u00eb p\u00ebr \u00e7do zyrtar, pavar\u00ebsisht funksionit q\u00eb mban apo mb\u00ebshtetjes politike q\u00eb g\u00ebzon.<\/p>\n

Republika nuk rr\u00ebnohet vet\u00ebm kur ligji shkelet; ajo fillon t\u00eb rr\u00ebnohet edhe kur qytetar\u00ebt pushojn\u00eb s\u00eb besuari se ligji zbatohet n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb barabart\u00eb. Dhe kur ky besim venitet, edhe institucioni m\u00eb i fuqish\u00ebm mbetet vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb nd\u00ebrtes\u00eb me mure t\u00eb forta, por pa themele morale. Sakt\u00ebsisht p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb arsye, SPAK-u nuk ka nevoj\u00eb p\u00ebr m\u00eb shum\u00eb pushtet; ka nevoj\u00eb, mbi t\u00eb gjitha, p\u00ebr nj\u00eb thirrje zgjuese q\u00eb ta rikthej\u00eb te parimi m\u00eb i thjesht\u00eb i drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb moderne: barazia para ligjit nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb slogan politik, por kushti pa t\u00eb cilin ligji humbet kuptimin e tij.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Nga\u00a0Ndri\u00e7im KULLA N\u00eb sisteme ku besimi publik \u00ebsht\u00eb i humbur, \u00e7do fjal\u00eb e nj\u00eb drejtuesi t\u00eb organit t\u00eb akuz\u00ebs merr pesh\u00ebn e nj\u00eb akti institucional. Pik\u00ebrisht p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb arsye, deklarata e kreut t\u00eb SPAK se “nuk mund t\u00eb them sot n\u00ebse do t\u00eb ket\u00eb apo jo nj\u00eb k\u00ebrkes\u00eb tjet\u00ebr” p\u00ebr \u00e7\u00ebshtjen Balluku nuk u perceptua …<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":4,"featured_media":48717,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[44],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-147588","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","","category-editorial"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/147588","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/4"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=147588"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/147588\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":147589,"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/147588\/revisions\/147589"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/48717"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=147588"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=147588"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=147588"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}