{"id":149051,"date":"2026-07-23T08:44:32","date_gmt":"2026-07-23T08:44:32","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/?p=149051"},"modified":"2026-07-23T08:44:32","modified_gmt":"2026-07-23T08:44:32","slug":"dy-fjale-per-nje-kryeminister-malet-e-larta-dhe-burrat-e-nenshtruar","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/2026\/07\/23\/dy-fjale-per-nje-kryeminister-malet-e-larta-dhe-burrat-e-nenshtruar\/","title":{"rendered":"Dy fjal\u00eb p\u00ebr nj\u00eb kryeminist\u00ebr, malet e larta dhe burrat e n\u00ebnshtruar!"},"content":{"rendered":"

Nga\u00a0Pastor Akil Pano<\/strong><\/p>\n

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Dje n\u00eb Theth nuk pash\u00eb vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb vizit\u00eb qeveritare.<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

Nuk pash\u00eb thjesht nj\u00eb kryeminist\u00ebr q\u00eb prezantonte nj\u00eb ligj, premtonte nj\u00eb rrug\u00eb, fliste p\u00ebr turiz\u00ebm dhe vizatonte t\u00eb ardhmen me ngjyrat e zakonshme t\u00eb propagand\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

Pash\u00eb di\u00e7ka m\u00eb t\u00eb thell\u00eb dhe m\u00eb shqet\u00ebsuese.<\/p>\n

Dje pash\u00eb sken\u00ebn skllav\u00ebruese t\u00eb pushtetit. Pash\u00eb nj\u00eb kryeminist\u00ebr q\u00eb u kthye si shp\u00ebtimtar n\u00eb vendin ku, vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb vit m\u00eb par\u00eb, shteti mb\u00ebrriti me fadroma dhe forca policore. Raportimet mediatike e vendosin vizit\u00ebn pik\u00ebrisht nj\u00eb vit pas aksionit t\u00eb IKMT-s\u00eb dhe IMT-s\u00eb kund\u00ebr nd\u00ebrtimeve t\u00eb konsideruara pa leje, nj\u00eb operacion q\u00eb u shoq\u00ebrua me tensione t\u00eb forta me banor\u00ebt, besoj e kujtoni!<\/p>\n

Dje, kryeministri q\u00eb kishte ardhur me forc\u00ebn e shembjes, u kthye me gjuh\u00ebn e legalizimit. Ai q\u00eb kishte mb\u00ebrritur me tritol, u kthye me hipotek\u00eb. Njeriu q\u00eb kishte goditur investimin, u kthye p\u00ebr t\u00eb predikuar zhvillimin. N\u00eb k\u00ebmb\u00ebt e kryeministrit nuk q\u00ebndronin qytetar\u00eb q\u00eb k\u00ebrkonin llogari, por burra q\u00eb shpjegonin fajin, pranonin gabimet dhe luteshin p\u00ebr m\u00ebshir\u00ebn administrative t\u00eb pushtetit.<\/p>\n

Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb arsyeja p\u00ebrse ajo q\u00eb ndodhi n\u00eb Theth duhet lexuar pak m\u00eb thell\u00eb se vet\u00ebm politikisht.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb Theth dje nuk u prezantua vet\u00ebm \u201cPaketa e Maleve\u201d. U prezantua modeli i ri i marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnies nd\u00ebrmjet shtetit dhe qytetarit. U prezantua, shteti q\u00eb t\u00eb d\u00ebnon, t\u00eb varf\u00ebron, t\u00eb zhyt n\u00eb borxhe dhe pastaj t\u00eb ofron shp\u00ebtim, me kusht q\u00eb ti t\u00eb pranosh publikisht autoritetin e tij.<\/p>\n

Thethi nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb vend i zakonsh\u00ebm. Thethi \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb nga vendet ku historia shqiptare ka ruajtur m\u00eb gjat\u00eb figur\u00ebn e burrit t\u00eb lir\u00eb, t\u00eb sht\u00ebpis\u00eb s\u00eb trash\u00ebguar, t\u00eb tok\u00ebs s\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00ebve, t\u00eb fjal\u00ebs s\u00eb dh\u00ebn\u00eb dhe t\u00eb dinjitetit q\u00eb nuk blihet.<\/p>\n

Pik\u00ebrisht p\u00ebr k\u00ebto arsye, pamjet e djeshme ishin trondit\u00ebse.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb sfond q\u00ebndronin malet e larta.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebrball\u00eb tyre q\u00ebndronin burra t\u00eb p\u00ebrkulur. Natyra mbetej madh\u00ebshtore; njeriu ishte i zvog\u00ebluar. Shk\u00ebmbinjt\u00eb q\u00ebndronin drejt, njer\u00ebzit k\u00ebrkonin falje. Luginat d\u00ebshmonin q\u00ebndres\u00eb shekullore, fjala e banorit, n\u00ebnshtrim.<\/p>\n

Takimi n\u00eb Theth ishte organizuar si nj\u00eb akt pajtimi, por pajtimi k\u00ebrkon dy pal\u00eb q\u00eb njohin p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsin\u00eb e tyre. N\u00eb sken\u00ebn e djeshme, p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsia ishte vet\u00ebm mbi banorin. Shteti nuk k\u00ebrkonte falje p\u00ebr disproporcionalitetin e forc\u00ebs, p\u00ebr munges\u00ebn e zgjidhjeve paraprake, p\u00ebr pasigurin\u00eb ligjore apo p\u00ebr d\u00ebmin ekonomik. Ishte qytetari ai q\u00eb duhej t\u00eb rr\u00ebfente fajin.<\/p>\n

Kryeministri mbetej gjykat\u00ebsi. Banori, i pandehuri.<\/p>\n

Nd\u00ebrsa shteti, pasi kishte dh\u00ebn\u00eb d\u00ebnimin, tani paraqitej si burimi i vet\u00ebm i faljes.<\/p>\n

Nj\u00eb nga momentet m\u00eb dometh\u00ebn\u00ebse ishte ai i banorit q\u00eb deklaroi se ishte zhytur n\u00eb rreth 100 milion\u00eb lek\u00eb kredi. Media raportoi se ai ngriti shqet\u00ebsimin p\u00ebr gjobat, kredit\u00eb dhe pengesat administrative, nd\u00ebrsa kryeministri iu p\u00ebrgjigj se banori kishte b\u00ebr\u00eb gabime.<\/p>\n

K\u00ebtu ndodhi p\u00ebrmbysja morale.<\/p>\n

Njeriu q\u00eb kishte humbur investimin dhe q\u00eb vazhdonte t\u00eb mbante mbi shpin\u00eb borxhin, nuk q\u00ebndroi p\u00ebrball\u00eb pushtetit si nj\u00eb qytetar q\u00eb k\u00ebrkon drejt\u00ebsi. Ai u shfaq para tij si nj\u00eb fajtor q\u00eb k\u00ebrkon mir\u00ebkuptim.<\/p>\n

Ky moment \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb sesa \u201csindroma e Stokholmit\u201d.<\/p>\n

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Termi \u201csindroma e Stokholmit\u201d p\u00ebrdoret zakonisht p\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrshkruar lidhjen emocionale q\u00eb nj\u00eb viktim\u00eb mund t\u00eb zhvilloj\u00eb ndaj pengmarr\u00ebsit t\u00eb saj. Por n\u00eb rastin e Thethit nuk kemi nj\u00eb \u00e7rregullim individual psikologjik. Kemi nj\u00eb fenomen shoq\u00ebror dhe politik shum\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb gjer\u00eb: internalizimin e pushtetit.<\/p>\n

Qytetari nuk ka m\u00eb nevoj\u00eb t\u00eb detyrohet \u00e7do dit\u00eb nga policia. Ai fillon ta mbaj\u00eb policin brenda vetes. Nuk ka m\u00eb nevoj\u00eb q\u00eb pushteti ta akuzoj\u00eb vazhdimisht. Qytetari m\u00ebson t\u00eb akuzoj\u00eb veten.<\/p>\n

Nuk ka m\u00eb nevoj\u00eb q\u00eb udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsi t\u2019i k\u00ebrkoj\u00eb n\u00ebnshtrim. Qytetari e ofron vet\u00eb, me shpres\u00ebn se n\u00ebnshtrimi do t\u2019i sjell\u00eb nj\u00eb leje, nj\u00eb dokument, nj\u00eb legalizim ose nj\u00eb favor.<\/p>\n

Michel Foucault e shpjegonte pushtetin modern jo vet\u00ebm si forc\u00eb q\u00eb nd\u00ebshkon trupin, por si mekanizmin q\u00eb form\u00ebson vet\u00ebdijen. Pushteti m\u00eb efikas nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb ai q\u00eb t\u00eb mban gjithmon\u00eb t\u00eb lidhur n\u00eb zinxhir\u00eb, \u00ebsht\u00eb ai q\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebson t\u00eb sillesh sikur je i lidhur edhe kur prangat nuk duken.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb Theth pam\u00eb pik\u00ebrisht k\u00ebt\u00eb; jo vet\u00ebm bindjen ndaj shtetit, por pranimin e narrativ\u00ebs s\u00eb shtetit nga vet\u00eb i d\u00ebmtuari. Banori nuk tha: \u201cShteti m\u00eb shkat\u00ebrroi.\u201d<\/p>\n

Ai u shty t\u00eb pranonte: \u201cUn\u00eb gabova.\u201d<\/p>\n

K\u00ebshtu pushteti arrin fitoren e tij m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe. Viktima p\u00ebrdor gjuh\u00ebn e atij q\u00eb e ka nd\u00ebshkuar.<\/p>\n

Fenomeni q\u00eb pam\u00eb mund t\u00eb quhet skllav\u00ebria e mir\u00ebnjohjes s\u00eb detyruar. Shteti fillimisht krijon var\u00ebsin\u00eb. M\u00eb pas shp\u00ebrndan mund\u00ebsin\u00eb. N\u00eb fund k\u00ebrkon mir\u00ebnjohjen. T\u00eb merr t\u00eb drejt\u00ebn dhe pastaj t\u00eb paraqet kthimin e pjessh\u00ebm t\u00eb saj si dhurat\u00eb.<\/p>\n

T\u00eb l\u00eb pa dokumente dhe m\u00eb pas t\u00eb premton hipotek\u00ebn. T\u00eb pengon t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtosh dhe m\u00eb pas t\u00eb ofron nj\u00eb paket\u00eb investimi. T\u00eb shemb objektin dhe m\u00eb pas t\u00eb fton t\u00eb aplikosh. T\u00eb zhyt n\u00eb pasiguri dhe m\u00eb pas t\u00eb k\u00ebrkon ta fal\u00ebnderosh p\u00ebr stabilitetin.<\/p>\n

Ky \u00ebsht\u00eb mekaniz\u00ebm i vjet\u00ebr i pushtetit paternalist. Sundimtari nuk d\u00ebshiron qytetar\u00eb me t\u00eb drejta. Synon subjekte me nevoja. Sepse e drejta q\u00ebndron p\u00ebrball\u00eb pushtetit dhe k\u00ebrkon zbatim, nd\u00ebrsa nevoja gjunj\u00ebzohet dhe k\u00ebrkon favor.<\/p>\n

Nj\u00eb qytetar i lir\u00eb thot\u00eb: \u201cKjo m\u00eb takon sipas ligjit.\u201d Nj\u00eb subjekt i n\u00ebnshtruar thot\u00eb: \u201cT\u00eb lutem, ma b\u00ebj k\u00ebt\u00eb nder.\u201d Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb Shqip\u00ebria e Rilindjes.<\/p>\n

Dallimi nd\u00ebrmjet tyre \u00ebsht\u00eb dallimi nd\u00ebrmjet republik\u00ebs dhe oborrit mbret\u00ebror. N\u00eb republik\u00eb, kryeministri \u00ebsht\u00eb administrator i ligjit. N\u00eb oborr, kryeministri \u00ebsht\u00eb burimi i m\u00ebshir\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb republik\u00eb, qytetari nuk fal\u00ebnderon udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsin q\u00eb shteti kryen detyr\u00ebn. N\u00eb oborr, \u00e7do dokument, \u00e7do rrug\u00eb, \u00e7do leje dhe \u00e7do investim paraqitet si dhurat\u00eb personale e sundimtarit.<\/p>\n

Kryeministri n\u00eb nj\u00eb moment, p\u00ebrdori ndaj banorit shprehjen: \u201cKoka b\u00ebn, koka p\u00ebson.\u201d Episodi u paraqit nga media si nj\u00eb shk\u00ebmbim batutash me njeriun t\u00eb cilit i ishte shembur nd\u00ebrtimi.<\/p>\n

Por kjo nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb thjesht nj\u00eb batut\u00eb. \u00cbsht\u00eb p\u00ebrmbledhja e nj\u00eb filozofie qeveris\u00ebse.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb fjali, shteti hiqet nga historia. Administrata nuk ka gabuar. Institucionet nuk kan\u00eb qen\u00eb kontradiktore. Politikat publike nuk kan\u00eb prodhuar pasiguri. Ligjet nuk kan\u00eb d\u00ebshtuar t\u00eb zgjidhin pron\u00ebsin\u00eb p\u00ebr dekada.<\/p>\n

Fajin e ka vet\u00ebm \u201ckoka\u201d e qytetarit.<\/p>\n

Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb cinike p\u00ebr t\u00eb individualizuar nj\u00eb problem q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb prodhuar edhe nga kaosi institucional shqiptar.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb shum\u00eb zona malore, banor\u00ebt kan\u00eb trash\u00ebguar tok\u00ebn sipas kufijve t\u00eb vjet\u00ebr, nd\u00ebrsa vet\u00eb kryeministri pranoi se ligji nr. 7501 nuk ishte zbatuar apo pranuar n\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn m\u00ebnyr\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebto komunitete. Ai e paraqiti \u201cPaket\u00ebn e Maleve\u201d si instrument p\u00ebr t\u2019u dh\u00ebn\u00eb mund\u00ebsi trash\u00ebgimtar\u00ebve t\u00eb zhvillojn\u00eb pron\u00ebn e tyre.<\/p>\n

Por k\u00ebtu lind pyetja themelore:<\/p>\n

N\u00ebse shteti e pranon sot se k\u00ebta njer\u00ebz kan\u00eb qen\u00eb p\u00ebr dekada n\u00eb nj\u00eb vakum pron\u00ebsie q\u00eb k\u00ebrkon zgjidhje t\u00eb posa\u00e7me, me \u00e7far\u00eb morali ua shembi dje investimet pa ua dh\u00ebn\u00eb m\u00eb par\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb zgjidhje?<\/p>\n

Nuk mund t\u2019i thuash qytetarit nj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht:<\/p>\n

\u201cTi nuk ke dokumentet sepse sistemi historik i pron\u00ebsis\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb i pazgjidhur\u201d, dhe:<\/p>\n

\u201cTi je i vetmi fajtor sepse investove pa dokumente.\u201d<\/p>\n

N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kontradikt\u00eb q\u00ebndron drama e Thethit.<\/p>\n

Kryeministri foli gjat\u00eb p\u00ebr ligjshm\u00ebrin\u00eb. Por ligjshm\u00ebria nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb vet\u00ebm fuqia e shtetit p\u00ebr t\u00eb shembur. Ligjshm\u00ebria \u00ebsht\u00eb detyrimi i shtetit p\u00ebr t\u00eb siguruar rregulla t\u00eb qarta, t\u00eb parashikueshme dhe t\u00eb barabarta.<\/p>\n

Nj\u00eb shtet nuk b\u00ebhet ligjor vet\u00ebm sepse ka polici. B\u00ebhet ligjor kur qytetari m\u00ebson \u00e7far\u00eb lejohet, \u00e7far\u00eb ndalohet, si merret nj\u00eb leje, sa zgjat procedura dhe si ankimohet vendimi.<\/p>\n

Shteti ligjor nuk duhet t\u00eb jet\u00eb nj\u00eb labirint ku qytetari humbet dhe m\u00eb pas d\u00ebnohet sepse nuk gjeti daljen.<\/p>\n

Sh\u00ebn Augustini shkruante se, n\u00eb munges\u00eb t\u00eb drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb, mbret\u00ebrit\u00eb e m\u00ebdha nuk jan\u00eb ve\u00e7se bashk\u00ebsi t\u00eb m\u00ebdha grabit\u00ebsish. \u201cCfar\u00eb jan\u00eb mbret\u00ebrit\u00eb pa drejt\u00ebsin\u00eb, ve\u00e7se banda kusar\u00ebsh.\u201d<\/p>\n

Paralajm\u00ebrimi i tij nuk n\u00ebnkupton se \u00e7do zbatim ligji \u00ebsht\u00eb grabitje. Do t\u00eb thot\u00eb se autoriteti humb legjitimitetin moral kur e p\u00ebrdor ligjin vet\u00ebm kund\u00ebr t\u00eb dob\u00ebtit, nd\u00ebrsa p\u00ebr t\u00eb fuqishmin prodhon p\u00ebrjashtime, marr\u00ebveshje dhe statuse t\u00eb posa\u00e7me.<\/p>\n

Prandaj pyetja nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb vet\u00ebm n\u00ebse bujtinat kishin leje.<\/p>\n

Pyetja \u00ebsht\u00eb: A zbatohet i nj\u00ebjti standard mbi resortet luksoze, fshatrat turistik\u00eb dhe mbi sht\u00ebpin\u00eb e mal\u00ebsorit?<\/p>\n

A vepron fadroma me t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn shpejt\u00ebsi kur p\u00ebrball\u00eb saj q\u00ebndron nj\u00eb investitor i lidhur politikisht? A p\u00ebrdoret ligji si mur p\u00ebr qytetarin e vog\u00ebl dhe si der\u00eb me telekomand\u00eb p\u00ebr kapitalin e madh?<\/p>\n

Pa iu p\u00ebrgjigjur k\u00ebtyre pyetjeve, predikimi mbi ligjshm\u00ebrin\u00eb mbetet i paplot\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Kryeministri e mbrojti \u201cPaket\u00ebn e Maleve\u201d si nj\u00eb mund\u00ebsi q\u00eb trash\u00ebgimtar\u00ebt t\u00eb shfryt\u00ebzojn\u00eb tokat e tyre, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht n\u00eb zonat ku pron\u00ebsia nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb rregulluar sipas ligjit nr. 7501. Ai deklaroi se paketa nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebr uzurpator\u00ebt apo oligark\u00ebt dhe se synon t\u00eb v\u00ebr\u00eb n\u00eb l\u00ebvizje ekonomin\u00eb e familjeve vendase.<\/p>\n

Ky \u00ebsht\u00eb versioni zyrtar dhe duhet d\u00ebgjuar. Por detyra e qytetarit nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb vet\u00ebm t\u00eb d\u00ebgjoj\u00eb q\u00ebllimin e shpallur t\u00eb nj\u00eb ligji. Duhet t\u00eb shqyrtoj\u00eb mekanizmin e tij. Pothuajse \u00e7do ligj problematik n\u00eb histori \u00ebsht\u00eb paraqitur si zhvillim, modernizim, interes publik ose domosdoshm\u00ebri komb\u00ebtare.<\/p>\n

Pyetjet jan\u00eb konkrete:<\/p>\n

Kush e p\u00ebrcakton zon\u00ebn prioritare? Kush e vler\u00ebson investimin? Kush vendos se cili trash\u00ebgimtar ka t\u00eb drejt\u00eb? \u00c7far\u00eb ndodh kur pron\u00ebsia \u00ebsht\u00eb e diskutueshme? \u00c7far\u00eb mbrojtjeje ka komuniteti vendas p\u00ebrball\u00eb kapitalit t\u00eb huaj shum\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb fuqish\u00ebm?<\/p>\n

Si shmanget q\u00eb marr\u00ebveshjet me banor\u00ebt t\u00eb b\u00ebhen instrument p\u00ebr p\u00ebrvet\u00ebsime t\u00eb t\u00ebrthorta?<\/p>\n

A do t\u00eb mbetet toka realisht n\u00eb duart e familjeve apo do t\u00eb p\u00ebrfundoj\u00eb gradualisht n\u00ebn kontrollin e kompanive q\u00eb kan\u00eb financim, jurist\u00eb dhe akses politik?<\/p>\n

Qeveria thot\u00eb se 1,318 aplikime jan\u00eb paraqitur dhe se Shkodra kryeson me 192 aplikime. Kjo tregon interes. Por numri i aplikimeve nuk provon drejt\u00ebsin\u00eb e sistemit. Edhe nj\u00eb proces i rreziksh\u00ebm mund t\u00eb ket\u00eb shum\u00eb aplikant\u00eb, sidomos kur paraqitet si e vetmja rrug\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb siguruar pron\u00ebn.<\/p>\n

Nj\u00eb njeri q\u00eb ndodhet prej dekadash pa titull pron\u00ebsie nuk aplikon gjithmon\u00eb sepse e konsideron ligjin ideal. Mund t\u00eb aplikoj\u00eb sepse nuk ka alternativ\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Dhe nj\u00eb zgjedhje pa alternativ\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb af\u00ebr n\u00ebnshtrimit sesa liris\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Kryeministri deklaroi se \u201cPaketa e Maleve\u201d do ta shnd\u00ebrroj\u00eb Shqip\u00ebrin\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb \u201cZvic\u00ebr t\u00eb vog\u00ebl\u201d dhe se turizmi n\u00eb Theth duhet t\u00eb kaloj\u00eb nga turiz\u00ebm p\u00ebr mbijetes\u00eb, n\u00eb turiz\u00ebm q\u00eb krijon pasuri dhe luks.<\/p>\n

Metafora \u00ebsht\u00eb t\u00ebrheq\u00ebse. Por Zvicra nuk u b\u00eb Zvic\u00ebr nga vilat luksoze. Zvicra \u00ebsht\u00eb ajo q\u00eb njohim nga siguria e pron\u00ebs, federalizmi, vet\u00ebqeverisja lokale, stabiliteti juridik, administrata e p\u00ebrgjegjshme, bankat e besueshme dhe respekti i thell\u00eb p\u00ebr komunitetet.<\/p>\n

Nuk mjafton t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtosh sht\u00ebpiza alpine p\u00ebr t\u00eb krijuar Zvicr\u00ebn. Duhet t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtosh institucione zvicerane.<\/p>\n

Nuk mjafton t\u00eb hap\u00ebsh male p\u00ebr kapitalin. Duhet t\u00eb mbrosh njer\u00ebzit q\u00eb i kan\u00eb ruajtur ato male kur shteti i kishte harruar.<\/p>\n

Turizmi i luksit mund t\u00eb rris\u00eb t\u00eb ardhurat, por mund edhe t\u00eb d\u00ebboj\u00eb banor\u00ebt. Mund t\u00eb rris\u00eb \u00e7mimet e tok\u00ebs deri n\u00eb pik\u00ebn ku familjet vendase nuk kan\u00eb m\u00eb mund\u00ebsi t\u00eb jetojn\u00eb n\u00eb vendin e tyre. Mund ta shnd\u00ebrroj\u00eb nj\u00eb komunitet n\u00eb dekor dhe banorin n\u00eb kamarier t\u00eb pron\u00ebs q\u00eb dikur i p\u00ebrkiste.<\/p>\n

Zhvillimi q\u00eb e largon njeriun nga toka e tij nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb zhvillim i komunitetit. \u00cbsht\u00eb kolonizim ekonomik. Mali nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb thjesht nj\u00eb pasuri e paluajtshme.<\/p>\n

\u00cbsht\u00eb kujtes\u00eb, q\u00ebndres\u00eb, varr, mbiem\u00ebr, sakrific\u00eb, kullot\u00eb, burim uji, histori familjare dhe identitet.<\/p>\n

Kur k\u00ebto reduktohen n\u00eb \u201cmund\u00ebsi investimi\u201d, ekonomia fillon t\u00eb haj\u00eb kultur\u00ebn.<\/p>\n

Nga rruga p\u00ebr n\u00eb Theth, kryeministri nuk foli vet\u00ebm p\u00ebr malet. Ai sulmoi edhe protestuesit n\u00eb Tiran\u00eb, duke i ndar\u00eb simbolikisht n\u00eb \u201cflamingo\u201d dhe \u201csorra\u201d apo \u201ckorba\u201d. Sipas raportimeve, ai i quajti disa kund\u00ebrshtar\u00eb \u201cdelirant\u00eb\u201d dhe \u201cinjorant\u00eb\u201d, nd\u00ebrsa tha se protesta ishte marr\u00eb peng nga \u201csorra e korba\u201d dhe ishte kthyer n\u00eb nj\u00eb sh\u00ebmb\u00eblltyr\u00eb t\u00eb opozit\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

Kjo gjuh\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb e rast\u00ebsishme. Dehumanizimi politik fillon shpesh me metafor\u00ebn zoologjike. A ju kujtohet \u201cbufi i k\u00ebnet\u00ebs?\u201d<\/p>\n

Qytetari nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb qytetar.<\/p>\n

Ai b\u00ebhet zog i bukur ose zog i zi.<\/p>\n

I pranuesh\u00ebm ose i papranuesh\u00ebm. I past\u00ebr ose i ndotur. I ri ose i vjet\u00ebr.<\/p>\n

Kryeministri rezervon t\u00eb drejt\u00ebn t\u00eb vendos\u00eb se kush \u00ebsht\u00eb \u201cflamingo\u201d dhe kush \u00ebsht\u00eb \u201csorr\u00eb\u201d. Pra, kush meriton t\u00eb d\u00ebgjohet dhe kush duhet t\u00eb p\u00ebr\u00e7mohet.<\/p>\n

Ky \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb mekaniz\u00ebm i pushtetit populist: protestuesit nuk gjykohen sipas argumentit, por sipas kategoris\u00eb ku i vendos udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsi. Ata q\u00eb paraqiten si t\u00eb rinj, estetik\u00eb, modern\u00eb dhe t\u00eb pad\u00ebmsh\u00ebm mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrthithen nga narrativa qeveritare.<\/p>\n

Ata q\u00eb artikulojn\u00eb k\u00ebrkesa t\u00eb pap\u00ebrshtatshme shpallen \u201ckorba\u201d, \u201csorra\u201d, \u201cinjorant\u00eb\u201d apo zgjatime t\u00eb opozit\u00ebs. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb kryeministri nuk i p\u00ebrgjigjet protest\u00ebs. Ai e klasifikon at\u00eb. Dhe pasi e klasifikon, zgjedh vet\u00eb se cil\u00ebn pjes\u00eb do t\u00eb quaj\u00eb legjitime.<\/p>\n

Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb e kund\u00ebrta e dialogut.<\/p>\n

Dialogu nis kur pushteti d\u00ebgjon edhe at\u00eb q\u00eb nuk i p\u00eblqen. Propaganda nis kur pushteti shpik nj\u00eb protestues t\u00eb pranuesh\u00ebm dhe nj\u00eb protestues t\u00eb urryer.<\/p>\n

Pushteti q\u00eb zgjedh popullin e vet<\/p>\n

N\u00eb demokraci, populli zgjedh qeverin\u00eb. N\u00eb regjimet e personalizuara, qeveria fillon t\u00eb zgjedh\u00eb popullin.<\/p>\n

Qeveria thot\u00eb: K\u00ebta jan\u00eb qytetar\u00ebt e mir\u00eb. K\u00ebta jan\u00eb pengmarr\u00ebsit.<\/p>\n

K\u00ebta jan\u00eb Shqip\u00ebria e re. K\u00ebta jan\u00eb sorrat e s\u00eb shkuar\u00ebs. K\u00ebta meritojn\u00eb reflektim. K\u00ebta meritojn\u00eb p\u00ebrbuzje.<\/p>\n

Ky kategorizim \u00ebsht\u00eb i rreziksh\u00ebm, sepse kryeministri nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsi vet\u00ebm i atyre q\u00eb e duartrokasin. Ai \u00ebsht\u00eb kryeminist\u00ebr edhe i protestuesit q\u00eb k\u00ebrkon largimin e tij.<\/p>\n

Detyra e pushtetit nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb t\u2019i p\u00eblqej\u00eb qytetar\u00ebt. \u00cbsht\u00eb t\u2019u sh\u00ebrbej\u00eb atyre. N\u00eb \u00e7astin kur pushteti nis t\u00eb ndaj\u00eb qytetar\u00ebt n\u00eb t\u00eb denj\u00eb dhe t\u00eb padenj\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u2019u d\u00ebgjuar, demokracia shnd\u00ebrrohet n\u00eb pedagogji autoritare: udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsi edukon popullin, qorton popullin, klasifikon popullin dhe n\u00eb fund shp\u00ebrblen popullin q\u00eb bindet.<\/p>\n

Bibla k\u00ebrkon respekt ndaj autoritetit, por nuk k\u00ebrkon hyjnizimin e autoritetit. Shkrimi i Shenjt\u00eb njeh pushtetin civil si institucion t\u00eb nevojsh\u00ebm p\u00ebr rendin, por e vendos \u00e7do sundimtar n\u00ebn gjykimin e drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb Per\u00ebndis\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Profet\u00ebt nuk shkonin para mbretit p\u00ebr t\u00eb k\u00ebrkuar favore.<\/p>\n

Shkonin p\u00ebr t\u2019i th\u00ebn\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00ebn.<\/p>\n

Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb arsyeja p\u00ebrse n\u00ebnshtrimi i djesh\u00ebm n\u00eb Theth nuk duhet ngat\u00ebrruar me p\u00ebrul\u00ebsin\u00eb e krishter\u00eb.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebrul\u00ebsia e krishter\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb serviliz\u00ebm. Ajo nuk e quan t\u00eb keqen t\u00eb mir\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrfituar nj\u00eb dokument.<\/p>\n

Nuk e fal\u00ebnderon faraonin p\u00ebr kasht\u00ebn, nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb faraoni k\u00ebrkon t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtin num\u00ebr tullash.<\/p>\n

Nuk e shpall bamir\u00ebs at\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb kthen nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb t\u00eb asaj q\u00eb t\u00eb ka marr\u00eb. Krishti ishte i p\u00ebrulur, por nuk ishte servil. Ai heshti para disa akuzave, por nuk e quajti padrejt\u00ebsin\u00eb drejt\u00ebsi.<\/p>\n

Ai i tha Pilatit se pushteti i tij ishte i dh\u00ebn\u00eb nga lart, duke i kujtuar se \u00e7do autoritet \u00ebsht\u00eb i kufizuar dhe i gjykuesh\u00ebm.<\/p>\n

Teologjikisht, problemi fillon kur pushteti politik paraqitet si burim shp\u00ebtimi. Kur udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsi shihet si ai q\u00eb jep tok\u00ebn, rrug\u00ebn, pun\u00ebn, lejen dhe t\u00eb ardhmen, ai z\u00eb nj\u00eb hap\u00ebsir\u00eb q\u00eb nuk i p\u00ebrket. Shteti nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb Mesia. Kryeministri nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb ati i kombit. Buxheti publik nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb pasuria e tij personale. Rruga nuk nd\u00ebrtohet nga xhepi i tij. Legalizimi nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb sakrament. Dhe qytetari nuk duhet t\u00eb rr\u00ebfehet para qeveris\u00eb sikur po k\u00ebrkon faljen e m\u00ebkateve.<\/p>\n

Pyetja m\u00eb e dhimbshme q\u00eb la pas vizita e kryeministrit n\u00eb Theth ishte kjo:<\/p>\n

Ku ishin burrat e Thethit?<\/p>\n

Nuk e kam fjal\u00ebn p\u00ebr gjinin\u00eb biologjike. E kam fjal\u00ebn p\u00ebr burr\u00ebrin\u00eb si kategori morale: aft\u00ebsin\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb q\u00ebndruar drejt, p\u00ebr t\u00eb folur me respekt por pa frik\u00eb, p\u00ebr t\u00eb mos e shitur dinjitetin p\u00ebr nj\u00eb premtim dhe p\u00ebr t\u00eb mos e ngat\u00ebrruar mikpritjen me n\u00ebnshtrimin.<\/p>\n

Burr\u00ebria nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb z\u00ebri i lart\u00eb. Nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimi. Nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb dhuna. Burr\u00ebria \u00ebsht\u00eb t\u00eb shikosh pushtetin n\u00eb sy dhe t\u2019i thuash:<\/p>\n

\u201cZoti kryeminist\u00ebr, un\u00eb mund t\u00eb kem gabuar, por edhe shteti yt ka gabuar.\u201d<\/p>\n

\u201cUn\u00eb mund t\u00eb kem nd\u00ebrtuar pa lejen e duhur, por institucionet tuaja m\u00eb lan\u00eb dekada pa mund\u00ebsin\u00eb reale p\u00ebr ta marr\u00eb at\u00eb.\u201d<\/p>\n

\u201cUn\u00eb jam gati t\u00eb zbatoj ligjin, por ligji duhet t\u00eb jet\u00eb i nj\u00ebjt\u00eb p\u00ebr mua dhe p\u00ebr oligarkun.\u201d<\/p>\n

\u201cUn\u00eb nuk k\u00ebrkoj m\u00ebshir\u00eb. K\u00ebrkoj drejt\u00ebsi.\u201d<\/p>\n

Thethi nuk ka nevoj\u00eb p\u00ebr burra q\u00eb b\u00ebrtasin. Ka nevoj\u00eb p\u00ebr burra q\u00eb nuk p\u00ebrkulen. Kur burri i lir\u00eb b\u00ebhet lyp\u00ebs para pushtetit, mali humb kuptimin e tij. Dinjiteti nuk legalizohet. Mund t\u00eb legalizosh nj\u00eb nd\u00ebrtes\u00eb. Mund t\u00eb regjistrosh nj\u00eb tok\u00eb. Mund t\u00eb jap\u00ebsh nj\u00eb leje.<\/p>\n

Por dinjitetin nuk mund ta legalizoj\u00eb qeveria. Ai ose ruhet, ose humbet. Dje n\u00eb Theth u fol shum\u00eb p\u00ebr pron\u00ebn, por pak p\u00ebr dinjitetin. U fol p\u00ebr investimin, por pak p\u00ebr drejt\u00ebsin\u00eb. U fol p\u00ebr t\u00eb ardhmen, por pa u p\u00ebrballur me t\u00eb shkuar\u00ebn.<\/p>\n

U fol p\u00ebr \u201cZvicr\u00ebn e vog\u00ebl\u201d, nd\u00ebrsa n\u00eb sken\u00eb u shfaq nj\u00eb model oriental i sundimtarit q\u00eb shp\u00ebrndan favore dhe i n\u00ebnshtetasit q\u00eb k\u00ebrkon m\u00ebshir\u00eb.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb nj\u00eb shoq\u00ebri t\u00eb lir\u00eb, banori q\u00eb ka humbur investimin dhe \u00ebsht\u00eb zhytur n\u00eb kredi nuk duhet p\u00ebrdorur si dekor i propagand\u00ebs s\u00eb atij q\u00eb kontrollon administrat\u00ebn.<\/p>\n

Ai duhet d\u00ebgjuar. Duhet trajtuar me dinjitet. Duhet t\u2019i jepet e drejta t\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtoj\u00eb pa u tallur.<\/p>\n

Pushteti mund ta fitoj\u00eb debatin televiziv, por humbet moralisht sa her\u00eb q\u00eb e detyron t\u00eb dob\u00ebtin t\u00eb qesh\u00eb me dhimbjen e vet.<\/p>\n

\u00c7far\u00eb pash\u00eb dje?<\/p>\n

Pash\u00eb se si pushteti kthehet n\u00eb vendin e krimit administrativ dhe e quan veten shp\u00ebtimtar. Pash\u00eb se si shembja u kthye n\u00eb premtim. Pash\u00eb se si borxhi u kthye n\u00eb faj personal. Pash\u00eb se si banori k\u00ebrkonte mir\u00ebkuptim nga institucioni q\u00eb duhej t\u2019i jepte llogari. Pash\u00eb se si nj\u00eb protest\u00eb qytetare u nda n\u00eb flamingo dhe korba, sipas shijes s\u00eb kryeministrit.<\/p>\n

Pash\u00eb se si fjala \u201czhvillim\u201d p\u00ebrdoret p\u00ebr t\u00eb mbyllur \u00e7do pyetje mbi pushtetin, pron\u00ebn dhe interesat ekonomike.<\/p>\n

Pash\u00eb burra t\u00eb maleve t\u00eb larta q\u00eb dukeshin m\u00eb t\u00eb vegj\u00ebl se karrigia e pushtetit.<\/p>\n

Por pash\u00eb edhe di\u00e7ka tjet\u00ebr.<\/p>\n

Pash\u00eb nevoj\u00ebn urgjente q\u00eb shqiptar\u00ebt t\u00eb rikthejn\u00eb gjuh\u00ebn e qytetaris\u00eb. Jo gjuh\u00ebn e urrejtjes.<\/p>\n

Jo dhun\u00ebn. Jo hakmarrjen. Por gjuh\u00ebn e burrit t\u00eb lir\u00eb, i cili respekton ligjin dhe pik\u00ebrisht p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb arsye k\u00ebrkon q\u00eb ligji t\u00eb respektoj\u00eb edhe at\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Shqip\u00ebria nuk do t\u00eb b\u00ebhet \u201cZvic\u00ebr e vog\u00ebl\u201d vet\u00ebm duke nd\u00ebrtuar bujtina luksoze. Do t\u00eb b\u00ebhet nj\u00eb vend europian kur qytetari nuk do t\u00eb ket\u00eb m\u00eb nevoj\u00eb t\u00eb ul\u00eb kok\u00ebn para kryeministrit p\u00ebr t\u00eb marr\u00eb at\u00eb q\u00eb i takon.<\/p>\n

Kur banori i Thethit t\u00eb mund t\u00eb q\u00ebndroj\u00eb drejt p\u00ebrball\u00eb qeveris\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Kur protestuesi n\u00eb Tiran\u00eb t\u00eb mos etiketohet si shpend grabitqar, por t\u00eb d\u00ebgjohet si qytetar. Kur ligji t\u00eb mos vij\u00eb pas fadrom\u00ebs, por p\u00ebrpara investimit.<\/p>\n

Kur pushteti t\u00eb mos k\u00ebrkoj\u00eb burra t\u00eb penduar, por t\u00eb pranoj\u00eb qytetar\u00eb t\u00eb lir\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Malet nuk jan\u00eb t\u00eb larta vet\u00ebm nga shk\u00ebmbinjt\u00eb. Jan\u00eb t\u00eb larta nga njer\u00ebzit q\u00eb nuk p\u00ebrkulen.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Nga\u00a0Pastor Akil Pano Dje n\u00eb Theth nuk pash\u00eb vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb vizit\u00eb qeveritare. Nuk pash\u00eb thjesht nj\u00eb kryeminist\u00ebr q\u00eb prezantonte nj\u00eb ligj, premtonte nj\u00eb rrug\u00eb, fliste p\u00ebr turiz\u00ebm dhe vizatonte t\u00eb ardhmen me ngjyrat e zakonshme t\u00eb propagand\u00ebs. Pash\u00eb di\u00e7ka m\u00eb t\u00eb thell\u00eb dhe m\u00eb shqet\u00ebsuese. Dje pash\u00eb sken\u00ebn skllav\u00ebruese t\u00eb pushtetit. Pash\u00eb nj\u00eb kryeminist\u00ebr q\u00eb …<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":4,"featured_media":149052,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[37],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-149051","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","","category-politike"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/149051","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/4"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=149051"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/149051\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":149053,"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/149051\/revisions\/149053"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/149052"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=149051"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=149051"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=149051"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}