{"id":149833,"date":"2026-07-30T16:42:30","date_gmt":"2026-07-30T16:42:30","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/?p=149833"},"modified":"2026-07-30T16:42:30","modified_gmt":"2026-07-30T16:42:30","slug":"rama-mund-ta-fuse-shqiperine-ne-fazen-e-jostabilitetit-te-menaxhuar","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/2026\/07\/30\/rama-mund-ta-fuse-shqiperine-ne-fazen-e-jostabilitetit-te-menaxhuar\/","title":{"rendered":"Rama mund ta fus\u00eb Shqip\u00ebrin\u00eb n\u00eb faz\u00ebn e \u201cjostabilitetit t\u00eb menaxhuar\u201d"},"content":{"rendered":"

Nga\u00a0Veton SURROI<\/strong><\/p>\n

Kryeministri Rama mblodhi jav\u00ebn e kaluar udh\u00ebheqjen socialiste dhe ua paraqiti nj\u00eb platform\u00eb p\u00ebr qeverisje n\u00eb mandatin e kat\u00ebrt t\u00eb quajtur \u201cBESA\u201d. Fjalimi i kryeministrit mund t\u00eb sillte nd\u00ebr mend muajt para r\u00ebnies s\u00eb Murit t\u00eb Berlinit at\u00ebher\u00eb kur udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsit komunist\u00eb, pasi i kishin p\u00ebrshkruar protestat si veprimtari t\u00eb sh\u00ebrbimeve t\u00eb huaja, filluan t\u00eb p\u00ebrvet\u00ebsonin gjuh\u00ebn e protestuesve n\u00eb ligj\u00ebrimin e ri.<\/p>\n

Apo kur b\u00ebhej ndarja e protestuesve n\u00eb \u201crini atdhetare socialiste\u201d dhe \u201cforca reaksionare q\u00eb po e p\u00ebrdorin rinin\u00eb\u201d, di\u00e7ka si ndarja e sotme mes \u201cflamingove\u201d dhe \u201csorrave e korbave\u201d.<\/p>\n

Apo kur kryeministri Rama p\u00ebrdor nj\u00eb koncept-fjal\u00eb q\u00eb e kishte p\u00ebrdorur udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsi i fundit komunist i Gjermanis\u00eb Lindore m\u00eb 1989. N\u00eb dokumentin-platform\u00eb paraqitur udh\u00ebheqjes socialiste me titull \u201cBesa\u201d, n\u00ebntitulli \u00ebsht\u00eb \u201ckthesa e mandatit t\u00eb kat\u00ebrt\u201d. M\u00eb 1989, Egon Krenz shpalli politik\u00ebn e re t\u00eb Partis\u00eb, \u201cWende\u201d q\u00eb n\u00eb shqip p\u00ebrkthehet si \u201ckthes\u00eb\u201d.<\/p>\n

Shqip\u00ebria \u00ebsht\u00eb larg nga Gjermania lindore n\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha kontekstet. Por udh\u00ebheqjet e saj-p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb faktin se PS ka fituar n\u00eb zgjedhje shum\u00ebpartiake n\u00eb nj\u00eb shtet an\u00ebtar t\u00eb NATO-s-kan\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn qasje ndaj kriz\u00ebs: gjetjen e p\u00ebrgjigjes brenda modelit t\u00eb tanish\u00ebm qeveris\u00ebs. Krenz k\u00ebrkonte \u201cwende\u201d brenda sistemit t\u00eb Partis\u00eb komuniste n\u00eb pushtet, \u201cBesa\u201d k\u00ebrkon kthes\u00eb brenda modelit t\u00eb tanish\u00ebm hibrid t\u00eb pushtetit t\u00eb udh\u00ebhequr nga PS.<\/p>\n

M\u00eb shum\u00eb sesa n\u00eb t\u00eb kaluar\u00ebn komuniste, analogjin\u00eb do k\u00ebrkuar n\u00eb kultur\u00ebn korporative.<\/p>\n

\u201cBESA\u201d mund t\u00eb lexohet si nj\u00eb manual p\u00ebr kujdes ndaj klientit. Premisa fillestare e k\u00ebtij dokumenti \u00ebsht\u00eb se \u201ctransformimi i nj\u00eb vendi dhe p\u00ebrjetimi shoq\u00ebror p\u00ebr transformimin nuk jan\u00eb m\u00eb n\u00eb harmoni, po n\u00eb tension\u201d. \u00a0Apo si\u00e7 shpjegon kryeministri Rama, arsyeja thelb\u00ebsore e protest\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb \u201cparadoksi i suksesit\u201d: qytetar\u00ebt kan\u00eb p\u00ebrfituar aq shum\u00eb nga qeverisja, sa u jan\u00eb rritur pritshm\u00ebrit\u00eb, t\u00eb cilat nuk p\u00ebrmbushen nga administrata shtet\u00ebrore. BESA e merr transformimin si fakt t\u00eb kryer, nd\u00ebrsa mosp\u00ebrputhjen e vendos te m\u00ebnyra si qytetari e p\u00ebrjeton at\u00eb.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb nj\u00eb analogji me nj\u00eb kompani telefonike q\u00eb ka manualin p\u00ebr trajtimin e klient\u00ebve lidhur me rrjetin 5G, \u201ckujdesi p\u00ebr klientin\u201d \u00a0i BESA-s ka shtat\u00eb detyra: d\u00ebgjimi, prova, shpjegimi, kujdesi, matja, m\u00ebsimi dhe parashikimi. Ky sh\u00ebrbim i PS \u00a0duhet t\u00eb trajtoj\u00eb t\u00eb arriturat e Partis\u00eb me qytetar\u00ebt e vendit- t\u00eb d\u00ebgjoj\u00eb, t\u00eb jap\u00eb prova e shpjegime, t\u00eb tregoj\u00eb kujdes, t\u00eb mas\u00eb disponimin, t\u00eb m\u00ebsoj\u00eb nga qytetar\u00ebt dhe t\u00eb parashikoj\u00eb se si do t\u00eb zbatohet tutje programi i Partis\u00eb, Rilindja 2.0.<\/p>\n

BESA, ngjash\u00ebm me kompanin\u00eb telefonike, e sheh qytetarin si klient q\u00eb mund t\u00eb ankohet p\u00ebr cil\u00ebsin\u00eb e sh\u00ebrbimit, jo si bart\u00ebs t\u00eb sovranitetit q\u00eb mund ta ndryshoj\u00eb drejtimin a kompanin\u00eb\/qeverin\u00eb. Ky perceptim mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb nj\u00ebri prej problemeve q\u00eb i kan\u00eb nxjerr\u00eb qytetar\u00ebt n\u00eb rrug\u00eb.
\nDhe v\u00ebshtir\u00eb se nj\u00eb manual p\u00ebr kujdesin ndaj klientit do t\u2019i largoj\u00eb prej saj.<\/p>\n

Megjithat\u00eb, kryeministri Rama ka b\u00ebr\u00eb nj\u00eb l\u00ebvizje t\u00eb madhe. Gati dy muaj pas fillimit t\u00eb demonstratave ai u largua n\u00eb mas\u00eb t\u00eb madhe nga theksi i identifikimit t\u00eb protestave si prodhim i forcave t\u00eb jashtme dashakeqe (Irani, serb\u00ebt, vendet konkurruese n\u00eb turiz\u00ebm e forcave t\u00eb tjera globale q\u00eb bashk\u00ebpunojn\u00eb me \u201csorrat dhe korbat\u201d). Ai shpalli se \u201cflamingot\u201d ishin pjesa kritike e shoq\u00ebris\u00eb q\u00eb do t\u00eb udh\u00ebzoj\u00eb m\u00eb tej qeverisjen socialiste.<\/p>\n

Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb fillimisht nj\u00eb manov\u00ebr taktike, e cila n\u00eb vend t\u00eb konfrontimit p\u00ebrdor teknik\u00ebn e absorbimit: protesta dhe protestuesit nuk kan\u00eb m\u00eb nevoj\u00eb ta shpjegojn\u00eb veten, sepse k\u00ebt\u00eb do ta b\u00ebj\u00eb kryeministri me instrumentet e platform\u00ebs \u201cBESA\u201d. K\u00ebt\u00eb manov\u00ebr kryeministri e ka form\u00ebsuar edhe n\u00eb dizajnin grafik t\u00eb broshur\u00ebs, duke e futur flamingon n\u00eb ballin\u00eb. Nga simbol i kund\u00ebrshtimit, flamingoja shnd\u00ebrrohet n\u00eb emblem\u00eb t\u00eb reformimit t\u00eb qeveris\u00eb q\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtonte. K\u00ebsisoj, ata konsiderohen tashm\u00eb t\u00eb kuptuar nga kryeministri dhe Partia Socialiste. E t\u00ebra do t\u00eb operacionalizohet n\u00eb \u201ckthes\u00ebn qeveris\u00ebse t\u00eb mandatit t\u00eb kat\u00ebrt\u201d.<\/p>\n

Kjo manov\u00ebr taktike \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht edhe l\u00ebvizje strategjike.<\/p>\n

Kryeministri Rama ka kaluar nga injorimi, refuzimi, p\u00ebrqeshja dhe demonizimi \u2014 m\u00ebnyra t\u00eb ndryshme p\u00ebr t\u00eb treguar se protesta nuk kishte r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi p\u00ebr shumic\u00ebn vendimmarr\u00ebse socialiste \u2014 n\u00eb faz\u00ebn e njohjes s\u00eb saj si forc\u00eb ; p\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr,duke n\u00ebnkuptuar heshtazi edhe si forc\u00eb q\u00eb prek stabilitetin e qeverisjes s\u00eb k\u00ebsaj shumice.<\/p>\n

Ky \u00ebsht\u00eb kalimi nga mohimi n\u00eb pranimin e pjessh\u00ebm: pranohet ekzistenca e problemit, por jo shpjegimi q\u00eb i japin atij protestuesit.<\/p>\n

Gjysm\u00ebhapi i kryeministrit Rama \u00ebsht\u00eb instrument i menaxhimit t\u00eb kriz\u00ebs, jo domosdoshm\u00ebrisht i zgjidhjes s\u00eb saj. Por, si i till\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb paralajm\u00ebrim i jav\u00ebve dhe muajve q\u00eb e presin vendin dhe i disponimit t\u00eb tanish\u00ebm t\u00eb kryeministrit q\u00eb duke absorbuar \u201cL\u00ebvizjen flamingo\u201d ta tejkaloj\u00eb si kriz\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Rezultati i k\u00ebsaj p\u00ebrpjekje t\u00eb kryeministrit nuk mund t\u00eb paragjykohet sot, por sado t\u00eb jen\u00eb m\u00ebdha dallimet mes Serbis\u00eb dhe Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb (n\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje t\u00eb orientimit Per\u00ebndimor, identitetit evropian, etj) Shqip\u00ebria mund t\u00eb m\u00ebsoj\u00eb nga vendimi strategjik i ngjash\u00ebm i presidentit t\u00eb Serbis\u00eb n\u00eb ballafaqimin me nj\u00eb l\u00ebvizje shum\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe proteste se ajo sot n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri. At\u00ebbot\u00eb presidenti i Serbis\u00eb vendosi q\u00eb ta menaxhoj\u00eb kriz\u00ebn duke mos i trajtuar problemet sistemore.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb n\u00ebntor 2025, Qendra e Beogradit p\u00ebr Politikat e Siguris\u00eb (BCSP) parashikoi kat\u00ebr rrug\u00eb p\u00ebr Serbin\u00eb: bllokad\u00eb t\u00eb zgjatur me represion t\u00eb kontrolluar; tranzicion t\u00eb negociuar nga BE-ja drejt nj\u00eb qeverie teknike dhe zgjedhjeve; p\u00ebrshkall\u00ebzim t\u00eb represionit drejt destabilizimit ose konsolidimit autoritar; dhe zgjedhje t\u00eb parakohshme me mund\u00ebsi ndryshimi, por edhe me rrezik t\u00eb madh manipulimi.<\/p>\n

Tet\u00eb muaj m\u00eb von\u00eb, autor\u00ebt n\u00eb nj\u00eb analiz\u00eb t\u00eb sapobotuar konstatuan se Serbia nuk kishte ndjekur asnj\u00ebr\u00ebn n\u00eb form\u00eb t\u00eb past\u00ebr. Ishte krijuar nj\u00eb skenar hibrid: bllokad\u00eb politike, represion i kalibruar, kapje institucionale dhe lodhje e q\u00ebllimshme e forcave demokratike. Kriza nuk po zgjidhej; po administrohej si metod\u00eb sundimi. Autor\u00ebt e quajn\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb \u201cjostabilitet i menaxhuar\u201d.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb Serbi u tregua se jostabiliteti i menaxhuar nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb bashk\u00ebjetes\u00eb pasive me kriz\u00ebn. \u00cbsht\u00eb strategjia me t\u00eb cil\u00ebn pushteti nuk e zgjidh kriz\u00ebn, por kontrollon intensitetin, ritmin dhe koh\u00ebzgjatjen e saj. Pushteti e paraqet veten si t\u00eb vetmen garanci t\u00eb rendit.<\/p>\n

Kjo mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb kahja e kthes\u00ebs strategjike n\u00eb kriz\u00ebn ku ka hyr\u00eb Shqip\u00ebria. Por, Shqip\u00ebria nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb Serbia. Pyetja p\u00ebr shkrimin vijues do t\u00eb ishte p\u00ebrse \u201cjostabiliteti i menaxhuar\u201d nuk ka gjasa t\u00eb m\u00ebdha suksesi n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri?<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Nga\u00a0Veton SURROI Kryeministri Rama mblodhi jav\u00ebn e kaluar udh\u00ebheqjen socialiste dhe ua paraqiti nj\u00eb platform\u00eb p\u00ebr qeverisje n\u00eb mandatin e kat\u00ebrt t\u00eb quajtur \u201cBESA\u201d. Fjalimi i kryeministrit mund t\u00eb sillte nd\u00ebr mend muajt para r\u00ebnies s\u00eb Murit t\u00eb Berlinit at\u00ebher\u00eb kur udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsit komunist\u00eb, pasi i kishin p\u00ebrshkruar protestat si veprimtari t\u00eb sh\u00ebrbimeve t\u00eb huaja, filluan …<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":4,"featured_media":48758,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[44],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-149833","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","","category-editorial"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/149833","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/4"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=149833"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/149833\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":149834,"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/149833\/revisions\/149834"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/48758"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=149833"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=149833"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=149833"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}