{"id":154099,"date":"2026-09-19T17:18:50","date_gmt":"2026-09-19T17:18:50","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/?p=154099"},"modified":"2026-09-19T17:18:50","modified_gmt":"2026-09-19T17:18:50","slug":"rama-dhe-vucic-dy-vellezerit-siameze-te-dekadences-demokratike-evropiane","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/2026\/09\/19\/rama-dhe-vucic-dy-vellezerit-siameze-te-dekadences-demokratike-evropiane\/","title":{"rendered":"Rama dhe Vu\u00e7i\u00e7, dy v\u00ebllez\u00ebrit siamez\u00eb t\u00eb dekadenc\u00ebs demokratike evropiane"},"content":{"rendered":"

Nga Ndri\u00e7im KULLA<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

<\/div>\n
Historia politike e Ballkanit \u00ebsht\u00eb plot me aleanca t\u00eb \u00e7uditshme, me armiq\u00ebsi q\u00eb shnd\u00ebrrohen papritur n\u00eb miq\u00ebsi, me marr\u00ebveshje q\u00eb shpallen historike dhe harrohen sapo ndryshojn\u00eb interesat e atyre q\u00eb i kan\u00eb n\u00ebnshkruar. Megjithat\u00eb, rrall\u00ebher\u00eb ka prodhuar nj\u00eb simetri politike si ajo q\u00eb prej vitesh mund t\u00eb v\u00ebrehet midis Edi Ram\u00ebs dhe Aleksandar Vu\u00e7i\u00e7it. Ata nuk jan\u00eb thjesht dy lider\u00eb q\u00eb bashk\u00ebpunojn\u00eb n\u00eb disa \u00e7\u00ebshtje rajonale; jan\u00eb shnd\u00ebrruar n\u00eb dy figura q\u00eb, pavar\u00ebsisht dallimeve t\u00eb vendeve q\u00eb drejtojn\u00eb, paraqesin nj\u00eb model t\u00eb ngjash\u00ebm t\u00eb ushtrimit t\u00eb pushtetit: p\u00ebrqendrimin e autoritetit politik, personalizimin e vendimmarrjes, p\u00ebrdorimin intensiv t\u00eb komunikimit publik dhe p\u00ebrpjekjen p\u00ebr ta paraqitur stabilitetin si vler\u00eb q\u00eb q\u00ebndron mbi konfliktin politik, mbi kritik\u00ebn dhe, gjithmon\u00eb, mbi k\u00ebrkes\u00ebn p\u00ebr llogaridh\u00ebnie.<\/div>\n
\n

Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb arsyeja pse metafora e dy v\u00ebllez\u00ebrve siamez\u00eb t\u00eb dekadenc\u00ebs demokratike evropiane nuk duhet kuptuar si nj\u00eb identifikim mekanik i dy sistemeve politike, sepse Shqip\u00ebria dhe Serbia kan\u00eb histori, institucione dhe orientime nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare t\u00eb ndryshme, por si nj\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekje p\u00ebr t\u00eb kuptuar nj\u00eb fenomen m\u00eb t\u00eb gjer\u00eb ballkanik: lindjen e nj\u00eb lloj pushteti diktatorial q\u00eb nuk ka m\u00eb nevoj\u00eb t\u00eb shfaqet me uniform\u00eb ushtarake, me tanke n\u00eb rrug\u00eb apo me shpalljen e gjendjes s\u00eb jasht\u00ebzakonshme, sepse mund t\u00eb funksionoj\u00eb brenda vet\u00eb formave t\u00eb demokracis\u00eb, duke ruajtur fasad\u00ebn e zgjedhjeve, parlamentin, konferencat e shtypit, ceremonit\u00eb evropiane dhe gjithashtu fasad\u00ebn dhe gjuh\u00ebn e integrimit, nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb kufijt\u00eb real\u00eb t\u00eb konkurrenc\u00ebs politike pothuajse nuk ekzistojn\u00eb.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb Serbi, Vu\u00e7i\u00e7 ka nd\u00ebrtuar gjat\u00eb viteve nj\u00eb sistem politik ku ndikimi mbi hap\u00ebsir\u00ebn mediatike, dominimi elektoral dhe personalizimi i pushtetit kan\u00eb qen\u00eb objekt i kritikave t\u00eb vazhdueshme nga opozita, organizatat e shoq\u00ebris\u00eb civile dhe institucione nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare. N\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri, Rama, mostra jon\u00eb, ka nd\u00ebrtuar nj\u00eb model tjet\u00ebr, por me nj\u00eb element t\u00eb ngjash\u00ebm: nj\u00eb pushtet fare t\u00eb centralizuar rreth figur\u00ebs s\u00eb kryeministrit, i cili ka qen\u00eb n\u00eb qend\u00ebr t\u00eb jet\u00ebs politike p\u00ebr nj\u00eb periudh\u00eb t\u00eb gjat\u00eb dhe e ka kthyer komunikimin politik n\u00eb nj\u00eb instrument t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm t\u00eb qeverisjes.<\/p>\n

K\u00ebtu fillon problemi i v\u00ebrtet\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Sepse demokracia nuk vdes gjithmon\u00eb kur mbyllen parlamentet; ndonj\u00ebher\u00eb fillon t\u00eb zbehet pik\u00ebrisht kur institucionet vazhdojn\u00eb t\u00eb ekzistojn\u00eb, por qytetari nuk beson m\u00eb se ato mund ta ndryshojn\u00eb realisht raportin e pushtetit.<\/p>\n

Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb forma moderne e dilem\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

Nj\u00eb demokraci formalisht mund t\u00eb ket\u00eb zgjedhje dhe p\u00ebrs\u00ebri t\u00eb ket\u00eb nj\u00eb gar\u00eb krejt\u00ebsisht t\u00eb pabarabart\u00eb. Mund t\u00eb ket\u00eb parlament dhe p\u00ebrs\u00ebri parlamenti t\u00eb shnd\u00ebrrohet n\u00eb vul\u00eb t\u00eb shumic\u00ebs. Mund t\u00eb ket\u00eb drejt\u00ebsi dhe p\u00ebrs\u00ebri t\u00eb lind\u00eb perceptimi se drejt\u00ebsia funksionon n\u00ebn presionin e politik\u00ebs. Mund t\u00eb ket\u00eb media t\u00eb shumta dhe p\u00ebrs\u00ebri hap\u00ebsira e debatit publik t\u00eb dominohet nga nj\u00eb qend\u00ebr e vetme politike, ekonomike ose mediatike.<\/p>\n

Prandaj, Rama dhe Vu\u00e7i\u00e7 jan\u00eb interesant\u00eb jo vet\u00ebm si dy lider\u00eb ballkanik\u00eb, por si dy shembuj t\u00eb nj\u00eb vuajtjeje q\u00eb Evropa ende nuk e ka zgjidhur: \u00e7far\u00eb ndodh kur stabiliteti politik fillon t\u00eb p\u00ebrdoret si justifikim p\u00ebr tolerimin e p\u00ebrqendrimit t\u00eb pushtetit?<\/p>\n

Evropa ka nevoj\u00eb p\u00ebr stabilitet n\u00eb Ballkan. Por stabiliteti nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb i nj\u00ebjt\u00eb me demokracin\u00eb. Nj\u00eb regjim mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb funksional, t\u00eb prodhoj\u00eb vendime t\u00eb shpejta, t\u00eb jet\u00eb partner n\u00eb negociata dhe t\u00eb ruaj\u00eb nj\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie t\u00eb q\u00ebndrueshme t\u00eb shtirur me Brukselin, pa respektuar vijim\u00ebsin\u00eb e nj\u00eb demokracie t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb. Pik\u00ebrisht k\u00ebtu q\u00ebndron nj\u00eb nga paradokset m\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdha t\u00eb Evrop\u00ebs s\u00eb sotme.<\/p>\n

Dhe pik\u00ebrisht k\u00ebtu marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnia Rama-Vu\u00e7i\u00e7 merr nj\u00eb dimension tjet\u00ebr.<\/p>\n

Open Balkan ishte nj\u00eb nga shfaqjet m\u00eb t\u00eb dukshme t\u00eb k\u00ebtij binjak\u00ebzimi politik. Nisma u promovua si projekt ekonomik dhe rajonal p\u00ebr l\u00ebvizjen e lir\u00eb t\u00eb njer\u00ebzve, mallrave, sh\u00ebrbimeve dhe kapitalit, dhe Shqip\u00ebria, Serbia e Maqedonia e Veriut n\u00ebnshkruan marr\u00ebveshje konkrete n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb drejtim. Vet\u00eb qeveria shqiptare e paraqiste at\u00eb si nj\u00eb mekaniz\u00ebm p\u00ebr t\u00eb kap\u00ebrcyer barrierat dhe p\u00ebr ta afruar rajonin me modelin e tregut evropian.<\/p>\n

Por problemi politik nuk ishte vet\u00ebm \u00e7far\u00eb p\u00ebrmbante Open Balkan-i; ishte edhe kush e prodhonte agjend\u00ebn e tij dhe mbi \u00e7far\u00eb raporti politik nd\u00ebrtohej ajo.<\/p>\n

Sepse nj\u00eb projekt rajonal nuk mund t\u00eb matet vet\u00ebm me numrin e marr\u00ebveshjeve ekonomike. Ai duhet par\u00eb edhe n\u00eb raport me Kosov\u00ebn, me dialogun Kosov\u00eb\u2013Serbi, me \u00e7\u00ebshtjen e kufijve dhe me ekuilibrat e siguris\u00eb n\u00eb rajon.<\/p>\n

Dhe k\u00ebtu historia u b\u00eb shum\u00eb m\u00eb e nd\u00ebrlikuar.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb vitin 2018, Hashim Tha\u00e7i e hodhi hapur n\u00eb debatin politik iden\u00eb e \u201ckorrigjimit t\u00eb kufirit\u201d me Serbin\u00eb, nd\u00ebrsa Aleksandar Vu\u00e7i\u00e7 e kishte mb\u00ebshtetur iden\u00eb e nj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshjeje territoriale. Edi Rama, nga ana e tij si ideatori real i k\u00ebsaj marr\u00ebveshjeje n\u00eb prapasken\u00eb, nuk e p\u00ebrjashtoi diskutimin p\u00ebr ndryshimin e kufirit; n\u00eb shtator 2018 ai tha se gjoja nuk e dinte cila ishte zgjidhja m\u00eb e mir\u00eb, por argumentoi se \u00e7\u00ebshtja duhej diskutuar dhe nuk e p\u00ebrjashtoi mund\u00ebsin\u00eb e shk\u00ebmbimit territorial.<\/p>\n

Kjo krijoi nj\u00eb klim\u00eb politike jasht\u00ebzakonisht t\u00eb rrezikshme p\u00ebr Kosov\u00ebn, sepse ajo q\u00eb duhej t\u00eb ishte nj\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje e vendosur nga institucionet e Kosov\u00ebs dhe nga nj\u00eb proces i gjer\u00eb nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar, rrezikonte t\u00eb shnd\u00ebrrohej n\u00eb nj\u00eb projekt t\u00eb drejtuar nga nj\u00eb rreth i ngusht\u00eb lider\u00ebsh.<\/p>\n

Pik\u00ebrisht k\u00ebtu q\u00ebndron edhe nj\u00eb nga dyshimet m\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdha politike t\u00eb asaj periudhe: a po k\u00ebrkohej nj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje historike Kosov\u00eb\u2013Serbi, apo po krijohej nj\u00eb pritshm\u00ebri e re politike se zgjidhja do t\u00eb vinte p\u00ebrmes nj\u00eb formule territoriale q\u00eb do t\u00eb hapte nj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht nj\u00eb varg precedent\u00ebsh t\u00eb rinj n\u00eb Ballkan?<\/p>\n

Kjo nuk ishte nj\u00eb frik\u00eb pa baz\u00eb t\u00eb fort\u00eb. N\u00eb dokumente dhe analiza t\u00eb koh\u00ebs, ideja e \u201ckorrigjimit t\u00eb kufijve\u201d u trajtua si nj\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje me pasoja potencialisht shum\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb gjera sesa marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnia mes Prishtin\u00ebs dhe Beogradit. Debati p\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrfshinte frik\u00ebn se ndryshimi i kufijve mbi baza etnike mund t\u00eb krijonte precedent p\u00ebr konflikte t\u00eb tjera n\u00eb rajon.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb pik\u00eb, figura e Hashim Tha\u00e7it b\u00ebhet tragjikisht qendrore dhe e dyshimt\u00eb. Kjo nuk mund t\u00eb harrohet dhe nuk mund t\u00eb fshihet kurr\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Sepse Tha\u00e7i p\u00ebrfundoi m\u00eb pas n\u00eb Hag\u00eb, nd\u00ebrsa historia e tij politike u nda n\u00eb dy koh\u00eb: koha kur ai ishte nj\u00eb nga figurat kryesore t\u00eb shtetit t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs dhe koha kur u b\u00eb i pandehur para Dhomave t\u00eb Specializuara t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

Por k\u00ebtu duhet t\u00eb shmangim nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr paradoks: nuk mund t\u00eb thuhet thjesht se Rama \u201ce futi\u201d Tha\u00e7in n\u00eb Gjykat\u00ebn Speciale. Historia dokumenton di\u00e7ka m\u00eb komplekse. N\u00eb vitin 2015, Rama mb\u00ebshteti fuqimisht krijimin e saj dhe deklaroi se besonte se Kuvendi i Kosov\u00ebs do t\u00eb merrte vendimin p\u00ebr ta themeluar. Gjykata u krijua p\u00ebrmes ndryshimeve kushtetuese t\u00eb votuara nga Kuvendi i Kosov\u00ebs, nd\u00ebrsa m\u00eb pas selia e saj u vendos n\u00eb Hag\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Por pik\u00ebrisht k\u00ebtu ka shum\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u2019u sqaruar m\u00eb shum\u00eb se akuza e drejtp\u00ebrdrejt\u00eb:<\/p>\n

Si \u00ebsht\u00eb e mundur q\u00eb i nj\u00ebjti Edi Rama q\u00eb n\u00eb vitin 2015 e mb\u00ebshteste me forc\u00eb krijimin e Gjykat\u00ebs Speciale, vite m\u00eb von\u00eb t\u00eb shnd\u00ebrrohej n\u00eb nj\u00eb nga kritik\u00ebt m\u00eb t\u00eb z\u00ebsh\u00ebm t\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00ebs se si ajo po zhvillonte procesin ndaj Tha\u00e7it?<\/p>\n

Kjo kthes\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb e dokumentuar. N\u00eb vitin 2020, pas aktakuzave ndaj Tha\u00e7it dhe Kadri Veselit, Rama shkoi n\u00eb Prishtin\u00eb dhe deklaroi se vizita e tij nuk synonte t\u00eb mohonte nevoj\u00ebn e drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb, por kund\u00ebrshtonte at\u00eb q\u00eb ai e konsideronte si trajtim t\u00eb padrejt\u00eb t\u00eb historis\u00eb s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

Por historia nuk mund t\u00eb shkruhet vet\u00ebm nga pozicioni i fundit i nj\u00eb politikani. Ajo duhet t\u00eb mbaj\u00eb p\u00ebrball\u00eb nj\u00ebra-tjetr\u00ebs t\u00eb gjitha fazat e q\u00ebndrimit t\u00eb tij.<\/p>\n

Dhe k\u00ebtu metafora e \u00c9mile Zolas\u00eb b\u00ebhet e fuqishme.<\/p>\n

J\u2019Accuse\u2026! nuk ishte roman, por nj\u00eb let\u00ebr e hapur q\u00eb \u00c9mile Zola botoi m\u00eb 1898 n\u00eb mbrojtje t\u00eb Alfred Dreyfusit. Thelbi i saj nuk ishte thjesht mbrojtja e nj\u00eb individi; ishte denoncimi i nj\u00eb mekanizmi institucional q\u00eb kishte lejuar q\u00eb nj\u00eb njeri t\u00eb sakrifikohej p\u00ebr t\u00eb mbrojtur prestigjin e shtetit, ushtris\u00eb dhe institucioneve. Dreyfusi u b\u00eb simbol i njeriut q\u00eb humbet z\u00ebrin p\u00ebrball\u00eb nj\u00eb sistemi q\u00eb tashm\u00eb e ka shpallur fajtor p\u00ebrpara se e v\u00ebrteta t\u00eb triumfoj\u00eb.<\/p>\n

K\u00ebtu q\u00ebndron fuqia universale e figur\u00ebs s\u00eb Dreyfusit.<\/p>\n

Ai nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb i r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm vet\u00ebm sepse ishte Dreyfus. \u00cbsht\u00eb i r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm sepse mund t\u00eb ishte \u00e7do njeri q\u00eb gjendet p\u00ebrball\u00eb nj\u00eb makinerie m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe se vetja.<\/p>\n

Por pik\u00ebrisht p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb arsye, edhe rasti i Tha\u00e7it dhe tre t\u00eb tjer\u00ebve k\u00ebrkon nj\u00eb dallim t\u00eb domosdosh\u00ebm: mbrojtja e parimit t\u00eb prezumimit t\u00eb pafaj\u00ebsis\u00eb, e procesit t\u00eb drejt\u00eb dhe e standardeve t\u00eb drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb e nj\u00ebjt\u00eb me shpalljen paraprake t\u00eb pafaj\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb nj\u00eb t\u00eb pandehuri.<\/p>\n

Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb edhe ajo q\u00eb nj\u00eb debat serioz evropian duhet t\u00eb luaj\u00eb nj\u00eb rol ky\u00e7 p\u00ebr nj\u00eb qart\u00ebsi parimore t\u00eb k\u00ebtij problemi.<\/p>\n

Sepse m\u00eb 16 shtator 2026, Dhomat e Specializuara t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs n\u00eb Hag\u00eb e shpall\u00ebn Tha\u00e7in fajtor p\u00ebr kat\u00ebr vepra penale t\u00eb lidhura me luft\u00ebn dhe e d\u00ebnuan me 25 vjet burg; nd\u00ebrsa ai ka deklaruar vazhdimisht pafaj\u00ebsin\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Ky zhvillim i jep nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr pesh\u00eb paqart\u00ebsis\u00eb q\u00eb kemi p\u00ebrball\u00eb: jo \u201ca duhej apo nuk duhej t\u00eb ekzistonte Gjykata?\u201d, por a mund t\u00eb lejoj\u00eb Evropa q\u00eb drejt\u00ebsia t\u00eb shnd\u00ebrrohet n\u00eb instrument t\u00eb politik\u00ebs dhe politika t\u00eb shnd\u00ebrrohet n\u00eb z\u00ebvend\u00ebsim t\u00eb drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb?<\/p>\n

Sepse t\u00eb dyja jan\u00eb t\u00eb rrezikshme.<\/p>\n

Dhe k\u00ebtu kthehemi te Rama dhe Vu\u00e7i\u00e7i.<\/p>\n

Nj\u00ebri ka ditur t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtoj\u00eb nj\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie t\u00eb ve\u00e7ant\u00eb me Evrop\u00ebn duke e paraqitur veten n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb manipuluar, ashtu si nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb, si garant t\u00eb stabilitetit, integrimit dhe dialogut. Tjetri ka ditur t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtoj\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie duke e paraqitur Serbin\u00eb si nj\u00eb aktor q\u00eb nuk mund t\u00eb anashkalohet n\u00eb zgjidhjen e problemeve t\u00eb Ballkanit.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kuptim, t\u00eb dy k\u00ebta nuk jan\u00eb identik\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Por kan\u00eb kuptuar t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn gjuh\u00eb politike: Evrop\u00ebs i duhet stabiliteti dhe lideri q\u00eb e garanton stabilitetin b\u00ebhet gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb i v\u00ebshtir\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u2019u sfiduar.<\/p>\n

Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb pika ku stabiliteti po kthehet nga nj\u00eb vler\u00eb demokratike n\u00eb nj\u00eb alibi politike.<\/p>\n

Dhe k\u00ebtu q\u00ebndrojn\u00eb edhe shqet\u00ebsimet q\u00eb duhet t\u2019i paraqesim sot Evrop\u00ebs: n\u00ebse nj\u00eb lider kontrollon nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb t\u00eb madhe t\u00eb sistemit politik, n\u00ebse opozita e ka t\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00eb t\u00eb krijoj\u00eb nj\u00eb alternativ\u00eb reale, n\u00ebse mediat p\u00ebrballen me pabarazi t\u00eb m\u00ebdha, n\u00ebse drejt\u00ebsia mbetet objekt i konfliktit politik dhe n\u00ebse Brukseli vazhdon t\u00eb ket\u00eb nevoj\u00eb p\u00ebr at\u00eb lider si partner negociues, ku mbaron pragmatizmi diplomatik dhe ku fillon tolerimi i dekadenc\u00ebs demokratike?<\/p>\n

Dhe historia e Zolas\u00eb na kujton di\u00e7ka edhe m\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme: kur institucionet heshtin, fjala b\u00ebhet institucion; kur drejt\u00ebsia humbet z\u00ebrin, shkrimtari mund t\u00eb b\u00ebhet d\u00ebshmitar; dhe kur nj\u00eb njeri sakrifikohet p\u00ebr t\u00eb mbrojtur prestigjin e sistemit, pyetja nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb vet\u00ebm se \u00e7far\u00eb i ndodhi atij njeriu, por \u00e7far\u00eb i ka ndodhur vet\u00eb shoq\u00ebris\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Dreyfusi ishte viktima konkrete e nj\u00eb sistemi q\u00eb k\u00ebrkonte t\u00eb mbronte veten.<\/p>\n

Por Zola nuk u mjaftua me Dreyfusin.<\/p>\n

Ai akuzoi mekanizmin.<\/p>\n

Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb arsyeja pse J\u2019Accuse\u2026! vazhdon t\u00eb jetoj\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Dhe kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb edhe pyetja q\u00eb Ballkani duhet t\u2019ia b\u00ebj\u00eb vetes sot: a po nd\u00ebrtojm\u00eb demokraci q\u00eb kontrollojn\u00eb pushtetin, apo pushtete q\u00eb m\u00ebsojn\u00eb t\u00eb duken demokratike?<\/p>\n

Dhe kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb pik\u00ebrisht drama e dy v\u00ebllez\u00ebrve siamez\u00eb t\u00eb dekadenc\u00ebs demokratike evropiane: ata mund t\u00eb jen\u00eb t\u00eb ndrysh\u00ebm n\u00eb flamuj, n\u00eb histori dhe n\u00eb retorik\u00eb, por pyetja q\u00eb ngrihet mbi t\u00eb dy \u00ebsht\u00eb e nj\u00ebjt\u00eb \u2013 \u00e7far\u00eb ndodh me demokracin\u00eb kur pushteti fillon ta konsideroj\u00eb veten m\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm se institucionet q\u00eb duhet ta kufizojn\u00eb at\u00eb?<\/p>\n<\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Nga Ndri\u00e7im KULLA Historia politike e Ballkanit \u00ebsht\u00eb plot me aleanca t\u00eb \u00e7uditshme, me armiq\u00ebsi q\u00eb shnd\u00ebrrohen papritur n\u00eb miq\u00ebsi, me marr\u00ebveshje q\u00eb shpallen historike dhe harrohen sapo ndryshojn\u00eb interesat e atyre q\u00eb i kan\u00eb n\u00ebnshkruar. Megjithat\u00eb, rrall\u00ebher\u00eb ka prodhuar nj\u00eb simetri politike si ajo q\u00eb prej vitesh mund t\u00eb v\u00ebrehet midis Edi Ram\u00ebs dhe …<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":4,"featured_media":33294,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[44],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-154099","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","","category-editorial"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/154099","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/4"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=154099"}],"version-history":[{"count":2,"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/154099\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":154101,"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/154099\/revisions\/154101"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/33294"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=154099"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=154099"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=154099"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}