{"id":160828,"date":"2026-11-14T10:57:33","date_gmt":"2026-11-14T10:57:33","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/?p=160828"},"modified":"2026-11-14T10:57:33","modified_gmt":"2026-11-14T10:57:33","slug":"hetimet-ne-keshtjellen-e-erret-te-spak-ut-si-dikur-ne-keshtjellen-kafkiane","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/2026\/11\/14\/hetimet-ne-keshtjellen-e-erret-te-spak-ut-si-dikur-ne-keshtjellen-kafkiane\/","title":{"rendered":"Hetimet n\u00eb K\u00ebshtjell\u00ebn e err\u00ebt t\u00eb SPAK-ut, si dikur n\u00eb k\u00ebshtjell\u00ebn kafkiane"},"content":{"rendered":"

Nga\u00a0Ndri\u00e7im KULLA<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

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Kur u krijua SPAK-u, nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb e madhe e shoq\u00ebris\u00eb shqiptare e pa at\u00eb si fillimin e nj\u00eb epoke t\u00eb re. Drejt\u00ebsia e re duhej t\u00eb ishte pik\u00ebrisht ajo hap\u00ebsir\u00eb ku pushteti do t\u00eb humbiste privilegjin e tij t\u00eb vjet\u00ebr p\u00ebr t\u00eb qen\u00eb nj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht autor, interpretues dhe p\u00ebrfitues i ligjit.<\/div>\n
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Por sot, krahas rezultateve dhe hetimeve q\u00eb SPAK-u ka realizuar, po shfaqet edhe nj\u00eb problem tjet\u00ebr, m\u00eb i nd\u00ebrlikuar se ai i fillimit: sa larg mund t\u00eb shkoj\u00eb drejt\u00ebsia kur p\u00ebrball\u00eb saj q\u00ebndrojn\u00eb mekanizma t\u00eb fuqish\u00ebm politik\u00eb, ekonomik\u00eb dhe institucional\u00eb? Dhe, mbi t\u00eb gjitha, a mund t\u00eb mbetet nj\u00eb institucion i besuesh\u00ebm n\u00eb syt\u00eb e qytetar\u00ebve kur disa nga \u00e7\u00ebshtjet q\u00eb prekin maj\u00ebn e pushtetit, si p.sh. akuzat publike korruptive q\u00eb i b\u00ebhen Edi Ram\u00ebs, shoq\u00ebrohen me heshtje, paqart\u00ebsi dhe pritje t\u00eb pafundme?<\/p>\n

N\u00eb romanin “Procesi”, Jozef K. arrestohet pa iu shpjeguar qart\u00eb arsyeja. Ai k\u00ebrkon t\u00eb kuptoj\u00eb, t\u00eb gjej\u00eb nj\u00eb autoritet, t\u00eb zbuloj\u00eb mekanizmin q\u00eb ka vendosur fatin e tij. Por sa m\u00eb shum\u00eb k\u00ebrkon, aq m\u00eb thell\u00eb zhytet n\u00eb nj\u00eb univers ku procedura z\u00eb vendin e drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb dhe ku misteri dhe fshehja b\u00ebhen nj\u00eb fuqi m\u00eb vete. N\u00eb Shqip\u00ebrin\u00eb e sotme, kjo marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie duket e p\u00ebrmbysur. Qytetari nuk pret vet\u00ebm t\u00eb marr\u00eb vesh se \u00e7far\u00eb ka ndodhur, le ta z\u00ebm\u00eb, p\u00ebr procesin hetimor t\u00eb Irena Gjok\u00ebs. Ai pret q\u00eb institucionet t\u00eb zbulojn\u00eb se kush mban p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsi p\u00ebr at\u00eb q\u00eb ka ndodhur. Dhe pik\u00ebrisht n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kalim nga fakti te p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsia individuale duket se fillon nj\u00eb nga labirintet m\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebshtira t\u00eb drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb shqiptare.<\/p>\n

Mjafton t\u00eb shohim raportin e Komisionit Evropian p\u00ebr vitin 2026. N\u00eb t\u00eb pranohet se SPAK-u ka zhvilluar hetime ndaj zyrtar\u00ebve t\u00eb niveleve t\u00eb larta, por nj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht evidentohen kufizime serioze n\u00eb rezultatet e rikuperimit t\u00eb pasurive q\u00eb lidhen me korrupsionin. Sipas t\u00eb dh\u00ebnave p\u00ebr vitin 2025, nga rreth 45,4 milion\u00eb euro asete t\u00eb sekuestruara dhe t\u00eb konfiskuara n\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha kategorit\u00eb e \u00e7\u00ebshtjeve t\u00eb trajtuara nga SPAK-u, vet\u00ebm rreth 1,2 milion\u00eb euro lidhen me procedime p\u00ebr korrupsion t\u00eb nivelit t\u00eb lart\u00eb, nd\u00ebrsa vlera e pasurive t\u00eb konfiskuara n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kategori ishte rreth 100 mij\u00eb euro. Raporti e konsideron k\u00ebt\u00eb raport midis sekuestrimit dhe konfiskimit ende t\u00eb pak\u00ebnaqsh\u00ebm.<\/p>\n

K\u00ebto shifra nuk jan\u00eb thjesht statistika. Ato ngren\u00eb nj\u00eb shqet\u00ebsim shum\u00eb thelb\u00ebsor mbi efektivitetin e luft\u00ebs kund\u00ebr korrupsionit: n\u00ebse drejt\u00ebsia arrin t\u00eb identifikoj\u00eb p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsit\u00eb penale, por nuk arrin t\u00eb rikthej\u00eb n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb konsiderueshme pasurin\u00eb e p\u00ebrfituar n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb paligjshme, sa i plot\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb rezultati i saj? Sepse korrupsioni nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb vep\u00ebr penale e kryer n\u00eb nj\u00eb zyr\u00eb shtet\u00ebrore. Ai \u00ebsht\u00eb edhe nj\u00eb proces transferimi i pasuris\u00eb publike n\u00eb duart private, nj\u00eb grabitje e s\u00eb ardhmes s\u00eb shoq\u00ebris\u00eb. Drejt\u00ebsia q\u00eb nd\u00ebshkon individin, por nuk arrin t\u00eb prek\u00eb pasurin\u00eb e krijuar nga abuzimi, rrezikon t\u00eb l\u00ebr\u00eb t\u00eb paprekur pjes\u00ebn thelb\u00ebsore t\u00eb vet\u00eb krimit.<\/p>\n

Dhe pastaj vjen dosja q\u00eb ka marr\u00eb emrin “The Albanian Files”, e cila e vendos k\u00ebt\u00eb problem n\u00eb nj\u00eb dimension tjet\u00ebr. Kush \u00ebsht\u00eb autori i krimit n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kall\u00ebzim? Pse \u00ebsht\u00eb shmangur, apo ngaq\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb kryeministri Edi Rama?! Kall\u00ebzimi i nj\u00eb grupi ekspert\u00ebsh, aktivist\u00ebsh dhe qytetar\u00ebsh lidhet me projektet turistike n\u00eb Zv\u00ebrnec, Baks-Rrjoll dhe Divjak\u00eb-Karavasta, me vendimmarrjen mbi territorin dhe me pretendime p\u00ebr shkelje q\u00eb k\u00ebrkojn\u00eb hetim. Sipas informacionit t\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb publik m\u00eb 6 n\u00ebntor 2026 nga drejtuesi i SPAK-ut, procedimi penal nr. 97, i regjistruar m\u00eb 10 shtator 2026, ndodhet n\u00eb hetim. Megjithat\u00eb, n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb faz\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb publik identifikimi i personave t\u00eb regjistruar si t\u00eb dyshuar.<\/p>\n

Nuk mund t\u00eb shmanget pyetja: \u00e7far\u00eb kuptimi ka nj\u00eb procedim penal kur shoq\u00ebria di se cilat vendime administrative po v\u00eb n\u00eb diskutim, cilat projekte jan\u00eb n\u00eb qend\u00ebr t\u00eb kall\u00ebzimit dhe cil\u00ebt funksionar\u00eb p\u00ebrmenden prej kall\u00ebzuesve, por ende nuk dihet se ku do t\u00eb \u00e7oj\u00eb hetimi n\u00eb drejtim t\u00eb p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsis\u00eb individuale?<\/p>\n

N\u00eb “K\u00ebshtjell\u00ebn” e Kafk\u00ebs, personazhi K. p\u00ebrpiqet t\u00eb hyj\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb institucion q\u00eb duket se qeveris gjith\u00e7ka, por q\u00eb nuk i shfaqet kurr\u00eb drejtp\u00ebrdrejt. Ai takon n\u00ebpun\u00ebs, nd\u00ebrmjet\u00ebs, zyrtar\u00eb t\u00eb vegj\u00ebl dhe njer\u00ebz q\u00eb pretendojn\u00eb se din\u00eb di\u00e7ka, por askush nuk mund t’i jap\u00eb p\u00ebrgjigjen p\u00ebrfundimtare. K\u00ebshtjella \u00ebsht\u00eb gjithmon\u00eb aty, por autoriteti i saj mbetet i paarritsh\u00ebm. N\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri, kjo metafor\u00eb merr nj\u00eb kuptim t\u00eb ve\u00e7ant\u00eb kur hetimet prekin vendimmarrjen m\u00eb t\u00eb lart\u00eb politike. \u00c7\u00ebshtja nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb vet\u00ebm n\u00ebse nj\u00eb em\u00ebr do t\u00eb p\u00ebrfshihet n\u00eb nj\u00eb procedim, por n\u00ebse hetimi do t\u00eb ket\u00eb guximin dhe pavar\u00ebsin\u00eb t\u00eb ndjek\u00eb zinxhirin e plot\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsive, pavar\u00ebsisht nga pozita e atyre q\u00eb mund t\u00eb preken prej tij.<\/p>\n

Nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr kapitull i k\u00ebsaj drame \u00ebsht\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtja McGonigal, e cila nxori n\u00eb pah marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie dhe komunikime q\u00eb prek\u00ebn politik\u00ebn shqiptare dhe marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet e saj me nj\u00eb ish-zyrtar t\u00eb FBI-s\u00eb. Ajo mbetet nj\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje me r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi t\u00eb ve\u00e7ant\u00eb p\u00ebr transparenc\u00ebn dhe llogaridh\u00ebnien publike. Por pik\u00ebrisht n\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje t\u00eb tilla, ku nd\u00ebrthuren politika, diplomacia dhe interesat e pushtetit, shoq\u00ebria ka nevoj\u00eb p\u00ebr nj\u00eb p\u00ebrgjigje t\u00eb qart\u00eb: cilat p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsi jan\u00eb hetuar, cilat jan\u00eb provuar dhe cilat pyetje vazhdojn\u00eb t\u00eb mbeten pa p\u00ebrgjigje?<\/p>\n

Duket se me rastin e Irena Gjok\u00ebs fillon nj\u00eb nga labirintet m\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebshtira t\u00eb drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb shqiptare dhe e b\u00ebn k\u00ebt\u00eb paradoks edhe m\u00eb t\u00eb preksh\u00ebm. N\u00eb janar 2026, Prokuroria e P\u00ebrgjithshme konfirmoi autenticitetin e nj\u00eb vendimi penal grek ndaj saj, t\u00eb cilin nuk e kishte deklaruar n\u00eb formularin e vet\u00ebdeklarimit, dhe ia p\u00ebrcolli materialet KLGJ-s\u00eb. Megjith\u00ebse SPAK-u m\u00eb pas k\u00ebrkoi pushimin e procedimit penal, duke argumentuar se nuk provohej vepra penale, rikthimi i saj nga gjykata na kthen te nj\u00eb shqet\u00ebsim i madh: si mund t\u00eb garantohet besimi te drejt\u00ebsia e posa\u00e7me kur integriteti i nj\u00eb prej gjyqtareve t\u00eb saj vihet n\u00eb nj\u00eb pik\u00ebpyetje t\u00eb qart\u00eb me lodrat q\u00eb po b\u00ebn brenda sistemit t\u00eb drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb p\u00ebr t’i shp\u00ebtuar d\u00ebnimit?<\/p>\n

Nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb, jasht\u00eb k\u00ebsaj K\u00ebshtjelle procedurash, jeta vazhdon t\u00eb zhvillohet n\u00eb nj\u00eb realitet krejt tjet\u00ebr. Student\u00ebt dhe qytetar\u00ebt q\u00eb dalin n\u00eb protesta nuk jetojn\u00eb n\u00eb bot\u00ebn abstrakte t\u00eb shkresave dhe interpretimeve kushtetuese. Ata p\u00ebrballen me gaz lotsjell\u00ebs, me shkopinj gome, me nd\u00ebrhyrje policore dhe me arrestime. Raportimet p\u00ebr protestat e tetorit 2026 kan\u00eb dokumentuar edhe p\u00ebrdorimin e gazit lotsjell\u00ebs dhe ujit me presion nga policia. K\u00ebshtu, krijohet nj\u00eb kontrast i dhimbsh\u00ebm: p\u00ebrball\u00eb qytetar\u00ebve q\u00eb k\u00ebrkojn\u00eb p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsi, shteti shfaq forc\u00ebn e tij fizike; nd\u00ebrsa p\u00ebrball\u00eb pyetjeve mbi p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsin\u00eb e pushtetit, qytetari ndesh kompleksitetin e pafund t\u00eb procedurave p\u00ebr t\u00eb dh\u00ebn\u00eb drejt\u00ebsi.<\/p>\n

Kjo nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje e rendit publik. \u00cbsht\u00eb nj\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje e raportit nd\u00ebrmjet shtetit dhe qytetarit. Nj\u00eb demokraci nuk matet nga numri i protestave q\u00eb mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrballoj\u00eb, por nga aft\u00ebsia e institucioneve p\u00ebr t\u00eb d\u00ebgjuar arsyet q\u00eb i nxjerrin njer\u00ebzit n\u00eb rrug\u00eb. Kur k\u00ebrkesa p\u00ebr llogaridh\u00ebnie trajtohet kryesisht si problem sigurie, at\u00ebher\u00eb shteti rrezikon t\u00eb harroj\u00eb se qytetari nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtari i tij, por burimi i legjitimitetit t\u00eb tij.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb pik\u00eb, drama e Kafk\u00ebs merr nj\u00eb dimension pothuajse t\u00eb plot\u00eb shqiptar. N\u00eb nj\u00ebr\u00ebn an\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb qytetari q\u00eb k\u00ebrkon t\u00eb kuptoj\u00eb se kush mban p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsi; n\u00eb an\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr \u00ebsht\u00eb pushteti q\u00eb k\u00ebrkon t\u00eb ruaj\u00eb autoritetin e vet; dhe nd\u00ebrmjet tyre q\u00ebndron nj\u00eb mekaniz\u00ebm institucional ku procedura e drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb b\u00ebhet m\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme se rezultati, nd\u00ebrsa heshtja mund t\u00eb interpretohet si nj\u00eb p\u00ebrgjigje q\u00eb nuk jepet kurr\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Por nj\u00eb shoq\u00ebri nuk mund t\u00eb jetoj\u00eb pafund\u00ebsisht n\u00eb pritjen e nj\u00eb vendimi. Ajo ka nevoj\u00eb p\u00ebr nj\u00eb drejt\u00ebsi q\u00eb jo vet\u00ebm regjistron krimet e mundshme, por i heton ato; jo vet\u00ebm identifikon shkeljet, por k\u00ebrkon p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsin\u00eb individuale; jo vet\u00ebm sekuestron pasuri, por punon p\u00ebr rikthimin e saj n\u00eb interesin publik. Ka nevoj\u00eb p\u00ebr nj\u00eb drejt\u00ebsi q\u00eb nuk i mat qytetar\u00ebt me fuqin\u00eb e tyre politike dhe q\u00eb nuk e konsideron transparenc\u00ebn nj\u00eb favor q\u00eb mund t’ua b\u00ebj\u00eb her\u00eb pas here.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb fund t\u00eb fundit, Kafka nuk na la vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb let\u00ebrsi t\u00eb absurdit. Ai na la nj\u00eb paralajm\u00ebrim p\u00ebr shoq\u00ebrit\u00eb ku njeriu humbet p\u00ebrball\u00eb institucioneve q\u00eb kan\u00eb harruar arsyen p\u00ebr t\u00eb cil\u00ebn ekzistojn\u00eb. N\u00eb “Procesin”, Jozef K. nuk arrin t\u00eb gjej\u00eb drejt\u00ebsin\u00eb q\u00eb k\u00ebrkon. N\u00eb “K\u00ebshtjell\u00eb”, K. nuk arrin t\u00eb hyj\u00eb n\u00eb hap\u00ebsir\u00ebn ku vendoset fati i tij. Por Shqip\u00ebria nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb roman dhe qytetar\u00ebt e saj nuk jan\u00eb personazhe t\u00eb destinuar t\u00eb presin pafund\u00ebsisht p\u00ebrpara dyerve t\u00eb mbyllura.<\/p>\n

Prandaj, shqet\u00ebsimi i v\u00ebrtet\u00eb q\u00eb po i drejtojm\u00eb sot SPAK-ut, Kuvendit dhe gjith\u00eb institucioneve t\u00eb shtetit nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb vet\u00ebm se sa procedime jan\u00eb regjistruar, sa persona jan\u00eb marr\u00eb t\u00eb pandehur apo sa dosje parade jan\u00eb d\u00ebrguar n\u00eb gjykat\u00eb. Shqet\u00ebsimi \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00ebse drejt\u00ebsia po arrin t\u00eb \u00e7montoj\u00eb mekanizmin e pand\u00ebshkueshm\u00ebris\u00eb apo \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb tashm\u00eb pjes\u00eb e nj\u00eb realiteti ku p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsia humbet n\u00ebp\u00ebr korridoret e pafundme t\u00eb procedurave.<\/p>\n

Nj\u00eb drejt\u00ebsi q\u00eb nuk arrin t\u00eb shpjegoj\u00eb veprimet e saj, q\u00eb nuk jep llogari p\u00ebr ritmin dhe rezultatet e hetimeve dhe q\u00eb nuk krijon bindjen se ligji \u00ebsht\u00eb i nj\u00ebjt\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb gjith\u00eb, ka humbur pik\u00ebrisht at\u00eb q\u00eb e b\u00ebn drejt\u00ebsi: besimin e qytetar\u00ebve.<\/p>\n

At\u00ebher\u00eb, K\u00ebshtjella nuk do t\u00eb jet\u00eb m\u00eb vet\u00ebm metafora e nj\u00eb pushteti t\u00eb paarritsh\u00ebm. Ajo do t\u00eb jet\u00eb edhe metafora e nj\u00eb drejt\u00ebsie q\u00eb endet n\u00ebp\u00ebr korridoret e veta, duke k\u00ebrkuar der\u00ebn q\u00eb duhej t\u00eb kishte hapur q\u00eb n\u00eb fillim.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Nga\u00a0Ndri\u00e7im KULLA Kur u krijua SPAK-u, nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb e madhe e shoq\u00ebris\u00eb shqiptare e pa at\u00eb si fillimin e nj\u00eb epoke t\u00eb re. Drejt\u00ebsia e re duhej t\u00eb ishte pik\u00ebrisht ajo hap\u00ebsir\u00eb ku pushteti do t\u00eb humbiste privilegjin e tij t\u00eb vjet\u00ebr p\u00ebr t\u00eb qen\u00eb nj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht autor, interpretues dhe p\u00ebrfitues i ligjit. Por sot, krahas …<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":4,"featured_media":53832,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[44],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-160828","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","","category-editorial"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/160828","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/4"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=160828"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/160828\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":160829,"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/160828\/revisions\/160829"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/53832"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=160828"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=160828"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=160828"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}