{"id":55914,"date":"2023-09-08T08:24:32","date_gmt":"2023-09-08T08:24:32","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/?p=55914"},"modified":"2023-09-08T08:24:32","modified_gmt":"2023-09-08T08:24:32","slug":"anetaresimi-me-faza-ne-be-nje-ide-ne-horizont","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/2023\/09\/08\/anetaresimi-me-faza-ne-be-nje-ide-ne-horizont\/","title":{"rendered":"An\u00ebtar\u00ebsimi me faza n\u00eb BE – nj\u00eb ide n\u00eb horizont"},"content":{"rendered":"

Nga\u00a0Genc POLLO<\/strong><\/p>\n

N\u00eb nj\u00eb konferenc\u00eb p\u00ebr sigurin\u00eb globale (GLOBSEC 2023) t\u00eb mbajtur n\u00eb Bratislav\u00eb, Sllovaki n\u00eb 31 maj t\u00eb k\u00ebtij viti moderatori pyeti dy panelist\u00ebt, kryeministrin shqiptar dhe at\u00eb maqedonas se cili ishte reagimi i tyre ndaj fjalimit t\u00eb Presidentes s\u00eb Komisionit Evropian von der Leyen t\u00eb mbajtur para nj\u00eb ore n\u00eb panelin e m\u00ebparsh\u00ebm. Zot\u00ebrinjt\u00eb Rama e Kovacevski p\u00ebrs\u00ebrit\u00ebn trivialitete rutin\u00eb si \u201cne kemi b\u00ebr\u00eb reforma por BE \u00ebsht\u00eb e avasht\u00eb me ne\u201d.<\/p>\n

D\u00ebgjuesit e pranish\u00ebm q\u00eb kishin ndjekur edhe znj. von der Leyen do t\u00eb ken\u00eb menduar se dy kryeministrat ose nuk e kishin d\u00ebgjuar Presidenten e Komisionit, ose nuk e kishin kuptuar se cfar\u00eb tha ajo ose, p\u00ebr arsye taktike, po zgjidhnin t\u00eb evitonin komentet. Cilido qoft\u00eb rasti do t\u00eb ishte shum\u00eb e dobishme t\u00eb ndaleshim tek tezat e paraqitura n\u00eb Bratislav\u00eb lidhur me zgjerimin e BE n\u00eb Ballkan nga ana e Presidentes s\u00eb Komisionit Europian.<\/p>\n

BE me 34 an\u00ebtar\u00eb b\u00ebhet \u201ckallaball\u00ebk\u201d<\/strong><\/p>\n

Ideja e nj\u00eb shteti kandidat q\u00eb an\u00ebtar\u00ebsohet me faza t\u00eb BE \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb lloj risie n\u00eb historin\u00eb e Evrop\u00ebs s\u00eb Bashkuar. Deri tashti \u00e7do shtet q\u00eb synonte an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimin paraqiste k\u00ebrkes\u00ebn n\u00eb BE, pranohej si kandidat, negocionte kriteret e kushtet dhe kur k\u00ebto konsideroheshin t\u00ebr\u00ebsisht t\u00eb p\u00ebrmbushura fillonin procedurat ligjore t\u00eb aderimit. Vendi i fundit q\u00eb u an\u00ebtar\u00ebsua n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb ishte Kroacia n\u00eb v2013. N\u00eb dekad\u00ebn q\u00eb vijoi zgjerimi i Bashkimit ngeci. Shkak kryesor ishte se edhe vendet e Ballkanit Per\u00ebndimor ngec\u00ebn n\u00eb transformimin e tyre duke filluar me shtetin ligjor. Madje n\u00eb disa raste b\u00ebn\u00eb regres. K\u00ebtij problemi ju shtuan v\u00ebshtir\u00ebsit\u00eb me fqinj\u00ebt (Shkupi me Athin\u00ebn e me Sofjen), me njeri-tjetrin (Beogradi me Prishtin\u00ebn, Sarajev\u00ebn e Podgoric\u00ebn) dhe mes vedi (Bosnje-Hercegovina). Por nga ana tjet\u00ebr edhe n\u00eb kryeqytete evropiane, duke filluar nga Parisi, ideja e an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimit t\u00eb gjasht\u00eb shteteve ballkanike konsiderohej si nj\u00eb ngat\u00ebrres\u00eb shtes\u00eb (duke u rritur numri i shteteve an\u00ebtare nga 28 n\u00eb 34 komplikohej vendimmarrja e Unionit edhe ashtu e rrezikuar nga vetot individuale).<\/p>\n

An\u00ebtar\u00ebsim me faza (staged accession) n\u00eb horizont<\/strong><\/p>\n

Prej m\u00eb shum\u00eb se pes\u00eb vitesh n\u00eb rrethetme ndikim n\u00eb Evrop\u00eb diskutohet nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr udh\u00eb drejt BE-s\u00eb p\u00ebr shtetet e Ballkanit Per\u00ebndimor. Thelbi i saj \u00ebsht\u00eb q\u00eb vendet kandidate t\u00eb ken\u00eb akses gradual n\u00eb Tregun e P\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt, n\u00eb institucionet e tij, n\u00eb fondet e kohezionit dhe status special pran\u00eb disa organeve t\u00eb Unionit. Por pa qen\u00eb an\u00ebtar\u00eb, t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn p\u00ebr nj\u00eb periudh\u00eb, n\u00eb organet e BE si K\u00ebshilli Evropian, K\u00ebshilli i Ministrave, Parlamenti Europian, Komisioni ose Gjykata e Drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb e BE, n\u00eb t\u00eb cilat p\u00ebrpunohen, miratohen por edhe vetohen, shqyrtohen dhe kontrollohen t\u00eb gjitha politikat dhe aktet ligjore t\u00eb BE.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb nivelin politik p\u00ebr her\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb kjo ide u propozua n\u00eb zgjedhjet p\u00ebr Parlamentin Evropian t\u00eb vitit 2019 nga pretendent\u00eb kryesor\u00eb p\u00ebr postin e Presidentit t\u00eb Komisionit; q\u00eb at\u00ebhere \u201can\u00ebtar\u00ebsimi me faza\u201d ka qen\u00eb objekt debati dhe p\u00ebrkrahje nga parti t\u00eb m\u00ebdha n\u00eb parlamentet e shtetevekryesore t\u00eb BE. Nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb think-tanke t\u00eb njohura prezantojn\u00eb analiza e rekomandime n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb drejtim.<\/p>\n

Por fjalimi i znj. von der Leyen n\u00eb Bratislav\u00eb sh\u00ebnoi edhe nivelin m\u00eb t\u00eb lart\u00eb politik t\u00eb p\u00ebrkrahjes s\u00eb \u201can\u00ebtar\u00ebsimit me faza\u201d.<\/p>\n

Ursula von der Leyen n\u00eb ligj\u00ebrat\u00eb t\u00eb drejt\u00eb<\/strong><\/p>\n

Nga fjalimi n\u00eb Bratislav\u00eb i Presidentes s\u00eb Komisionit Europian jehon\u00eb n\u00eb media b\u00ebri pothuaj vet\u00ebm pjesa lidhur me agresionin rus n\u00eb Ukrain\u00eb dhe ndihma e BE. P\u00ebr arsye t\u00eb kuptueshme. Por pjesa e Ballkanit nuk u referua as n\u00eb mediat shqiptare e rajonale; mendoj se \u00ebsht\u00eb me r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi t\u00eb njihet prandaj po citoj m\u00eb posht\u00eb paragraf\u00ebt p\u00ebrkat\u00ebs:<\/p>\n

\u201cP\u00ebr t\u00eb gjitha vendet q\u00eb iu bashkuan BE-s\u00eb n\u00eb dy dekadat e fundit, aksesi n\u00eb Tregun e P\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt ka qen\u00eb shtyt\u00ebsi kryesor i rritjes ekonomike. Por vendet q\u00eb tashm\u00eb jan\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb rrug\u00eb premtuese n\u00eb BE duhet t\u00eb p\u00ebrfitojn\u00eb gjithashtu nga ky treg i yni. P\u00ebr shembull, Ballkani Per\u00ebndimor mund t’i bashkohet Tregut Unik Digjital n\u00eb fusha t\u00eb tilla si tregtia elektronike ose siguria kibernetike. Ne mund t\u00eb leht\u00ebsojm\u00eb tregtin\u00eb n\u00eb mallra dhe pagesa. Dua q\u00eb tregu yn\u00eb i vet\u00ebm t\u00eb jet\u00eb nj\u00eb shtyt\u00ebs i ndryshimit, jo vet\u00ebm p\u00ebr vendet q\u00eb tashm\u00eb i jan\u00eb bashkuar familjes, por edhe p\u00ebr ato q\u00eb jan\u00eb ende n\u00eb rrug\u00ebn e tyre\u2026<\/p>\n

Kjo lidhje m\u00eb e ngusht\u00eb me tregun ton\u00eb t\u00eb vet\u00ebm duhet t\u00eb shkoj\u00eb paralelisht me nj\u00eb Treg t\u00eb P\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt Rajonal (TPR; dmth me Procesin e Berlinit dhe zmbrapsu Ballkan i Hapur – sh\u00ebn. i autorit GP). Nj\u00eb TPR \u00ebsht\u00eb vendimtar p\u00ebr t\u00eb zhbllokuar potencialin ekonomik t\u00eb rajonit. \u00cbsht\u00eb thelb\u00ebsore q\u00eb Ballkani Per\u00ebndimor t\u00eb b\u00ebhet nj\u00eb rajon m\u00eb atraktiv p\u00ebr investitor\u00ebt evropian\u00eb. Dhe, n\u00ebse bazohet n\u00eb rregullat dhe standardet e BE-s\u00eb, ky TPR mund t\u00eb ndihmoj\u00eb gjithashtu n\u00eb p\u00ebrshpejtimin e an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimit n\u00eb Bashkimin ton\u00eb. Ne duam t’i ofrojm\u00eb paraprakisht Ballkanit Per\u00ebndimor disa nga avantazhet e an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimit. Por kjo do t\u00eb thot\u00eb se edhe disa k\u00ebrkesa t\u00eb an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimit duhet t\u00eb plot\u00ebsohen paraprakisht. Disa nga reformat q\u00eb jan\u00eb pjes\u00eb e procesit t\u00eb an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimit jan\u00eb ky\u00e7e p\u00ebr besimin e investitor\u00ebve. P.sh nd\u00ebrtimi i nj\u00eb gjyq\u00ebsori t\u00eb pavarur dhe efikas, prokurimeve publike t\u00eb sh\u00ebndetshme dhe rritjen e luft\u00ebs kund\u00ebr korrupsionit. Ose mendoni p\u00ebr tregun e energjis\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Rajoni i Ballkanit Per\u00ebndimor ka nj\u00eb potencial t\u00eb madh p\u00ebr t’u diversifikuar larg karburanteve ruse. Por aty duhet t\u00eb rritet efi\u00e7ienca e energjis\u00eb, t\u00eb p\u00ebrshpejtohet diversifikimi p\u00ebrmes m\u00eb shum\u00eb burimeve t\u00eb rinovueshme. Ballkani Per\u00ebndimor mund t’i arrij\u00eb t\u00eb dyja: pavar\u00ebsin\u00eb energjetike nga Rusia dhe harmonizimin m\u00eb t\u00eb ngusht\u00eb me Bashkimin Evropian p\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrshpejtuar an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimin. Pika ime e fundit \u00ebsht\u00eb e drejtp\u00ebrdrejt\u00eb. Ne jemi t\u00eb gatsh\u00ebm t\u00eb mb\u00ebshtesim Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor me rritjen e fondeve t\u00eb para-an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimit (IPA). Ka nj\u00eb nevoj\u00eb t\u00eb madhe p\u00ebr investime n\u00eb Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor. K\u00ebto investime do ta b\u00ebjn\u00eb jet\u00ebn e njer\u00ebzve m\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00eb. Dhe ata gjithashtu do t\u00eb shtrojn\u00eb udh\u00ebn drejt Unionit ton\u00eb. P\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb arsye, ne duhet t\u00eb rrisim burimet e dedikuara p\u00ebr Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor. N\u00eb k\u00ebto koh\u00eb t\u00eb trazuara, ky plan me kat\u00ebr pika \u00ebsht\u00eb oferta e duhur p\u00ebr Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor\u201d (https:\/\/ec.europa.eu\/commission\/presscorner\/detail\/en\/SPEECH_23_2993 ).<\/p>\n

Kontraste Parlament\/Komision<\/strong><\/p>\n

Kush ka ndjekur debatin p\u00ebr Shqip\u00ebrin\u00eb n\u00eb Parlamentin Evropian n\u00eb 11 korrik 2023 nuk mund t\u2019i mos i ket\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb p\u00ebrshtypje kontrasti midis fjalimit t\u00eb Komisionerit t\u00eb Zgjerimit n\u00eb nj\u00ebr\u00ebn an\u00eb dhe rezolut\u00ebs \u201cShqip\u00ebria 2022\u201d q\u00eb u miratua n\u00eb plenare.<\/p>\n

Komisioneri fliste plot optimiz\u00ebm p\u00ebr \u00e7eljen e negociatave n\u00eb korrik 2022, p\u00ebr \u201cdelegacione nga Tirana q\u00eb jan\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrgatitur e aktiv\u00eb\u201d dhe p\u00ebr zgjedhjet lokale t\u00eb majit duke cituar titujt pozitiv\u00eb t\u00eb raportit t\u00eb ODIHR-it e duke shtuar se ishin m\u00eb t\u00eb mira se ato kat\u00ebr vjet m\u00eb par\u00eb (krahasimi me bashkit\u00eb 100% PS si pasoj\u00eb e bojkotit t\u00eb Bash\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb edhe i v\u00ebrtet\u00eb, edhe p\u00ebr t\u00eb qeshur, edhe p\u00ebr t\u00eb qar\u00eb).<\/p>\n

Nd\u00ebrsa rezoluta e votuar at\u00eb dit\u00eb n\u00ebnvizonte me shqet\u00ebsim shkeljet e rregullores s\u00eb Kuvendit p\u00ebr t\u00eb cunguar rolin e opozit\u00ebs, refuzimin e paligjsh\u00ebm t\u00eb komisioneve hetimore (afera McGonigal-GP), apelonte q\u00eb qeveria t\u00eb garantonte t\u00eb drejt\u00ebn e opozit\u00ebs p\u00ebr t\u00eb marr\u00eb pjes\u00eb n\u00eb zgjedhje (PD reale-GP), refuzonte amnistin\u00eb fiskalo-kriminale dhe pasaportat e arta, theksonte se projekti i Portit Durr\u00ebs (Al Abaar) duhet t\u00eb mos shkelte MSA-n\u00eb, d\u00ebnonte p\u00ebrdorimin nga partit\u00eb politike t\u00eb t\u00eb dh\u00ebnave personale (dmth PS me patronazhist\u00ebt-GP), shprehte shqet\u00ebsim p\u00ebr arrestimin e paligjsh\u00ebm t\u00eb Belerit dhe p\u00ebr zaptimet qeveritare t\u00eb pronave n\u00eb Himar\u00eb, d\u00ebnonte kufizimin e liris\u00eb s\u00eb shprehjes e t\u00eb medias me detaje n\u00eb disa paragraf\u00eb, shqet\u00ebsohej p\u00ebr financime jo transparente e pasoja social-ekonomike e mjedisore t\u00eb hidrocentralit Skavica e t\u00eb aeroportit Nart\u00eb-Vlor\u00eb. N\u00ebse dikush do e njihte Shqip\u00ebrin\u00eb nga kjo rezolut\u00eb do t\u00eb mendonte se vendi kandidat ishte n\u00eb mos \u201cshtet i d\u00ebshtuar\u201d, t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn \u201cshtet i kapur\u201d.<\/p>\n

Negociata pa progres<\/strong><\/p>\n

Kontrasti i m\u00ebsip\u00ebrm rikthen debatin mbi efektin transformues dhe dobin\u00eb konkrete t\u00eb negociatave p\u00ebr an\u00ebtar\u00ebsim n\u00eb BE n\u00eb ve\u00e7anti dhe procesit t\u00eb integrimit n\u00eb BE n\u00eb p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsi.<\/p>\n

Prej nj\u00eb dekade dy shtete t\u00eb rajonit, Mali i Zi e Serbia, zhvillojn\u00eb negociata an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimi me BE. Gjat\u00eb k\u00ebsaj periudhe Mali i Zi ishte nj\u00eb shtet pothuaj monopartiak deri n\u00eb dy vitet e fundit kur u realizua ndryshimi i pushtetit me vot\u00eb por u hap\u00ebn probleme t\u00eb tjera gjeopolitike. Serbia gjat\u00eb k\u00ebsaj periudhe konsolidoi nj\u00eb regjim monokratik me opozit\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebr\u00e7ar\u00eb e media t\u00eb kontrolluar t\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetur n\u00eb korrupsion shtet\u00ebror e kriminalitetin e organizuar si dhe me orientim gjeopolitik jo-europian e jo-euroatlantik. K\u00ebto probleme si p\u00ebrher\u00eb mbeten p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsi e popujve p\u00ebrkat\u00ebs dhe e politikan\u00ebve t\u00eb tyre. Por nuk lipset t\u2019i shmangemi pyetjes mbi impaktin pozitiv konkret t\u00eb negociatave me BE-n\u00eb. Ose t\u00eb munges\u00ebs s\u00eb k\u00ebtij impakti dhe arsyet e k\u00ebsaj mungese. N\u00eb qarqet filo-evropiane n\u00eb Serbi dhe tek shum\u00eb studiues evropian\u00eb ndihet frustrim p\u00ebr nj\u00eb problem tjet\u00ebr: se procesi i integrimit evropian \u00ebsht\u00eb kapur nga regjimi serb dhe \u00ebsht\u00eb keqp\u00ebrdorur p\u00ebr legjitimimin e masave antidemokratike e t\u00eb shtet-kapjes. Dhe BE, n\u00eb radh\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb Komisioni Evropian, sipas tyre jo vet\u00ebm nuk i ekspozon e i kritikon problemet, por hesht p\u00ebr to duke pretenduar se nuk i sheh.<\/p>\n

Kusht\u00ebzimi serioz n\u00eb vitin 2020<\/strong><\/p>\n

N\u00eb vitet 2014-2021 raportet e deklaratat e Komisionit Evropian p\u00ebr qeverin\u00eb Rama e p\u00ebr Shqip\u00ebrin\u00eb ishin nj\u00ebfar\u00eb Fasade Potjemkini e nj\u00eb realiteti imagjinar. P. sh. Brukseli nuk foli nj\u00eb fjal\u00eb p\u00ebr kanabizimin total n\u00eb vitin 2016 nga dyshja Tahiri-Rama. Po ashtu Komisioni u tregua i verb\u00ebr p\u00ebr devijimet serioze t\u00eb reform\u00ebs n\u00eb drejt\u00ebsi; nj\u00eb proces ku kishte investuar shum\u00eb dhe q\u00eb donte patjet\u00ebr ta shpallte si rast suksesi.<\/p>\n

Q\u00eb nga prilli 2018 Komisioni Evropian rekomandoi n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrs\u00ebritur \u00e7eljen pa kushte t\u00eb negociatave me Shqip\u00ebrin\u00eb; gjithashtu n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrs\u00ebritur K\u00ebshilli Evropian (shtetet an\u00ebtare) nuk e mor\u00ebn parasysh ket\u00eb k\u00ebrkes\u00eb. N\u00eb mars 2020 K\u00ebshilli Evropian, n\u00eb vijim t\u00eb 9 kushteve t\u00eb Bundestagut, p\u00ebrcaktoi 15 kushte t\u00eb cilat Shqip\u00ebria duhet t\u2019i p\u00ebrmbushte q\u00eb t\u00eb mund t\u00eb \u00e7eleshin negociatat. Ky detyrim u konfirmua edhe n\u00eb nj\u00eb rezolut\u00eb t\u00eb Parlamentit Evropian n\u00eb mars 2021. Me arsyetim t\u00eb sh\u00ebndosh\u00eb K\u00ebshilli e Parlamenti gjykuan se nuk mund t\u00eb \u00e7eleshin negociatat me nj\u00eb shtet ku nd\u00ebr t\u00eb tjera mungonte Gjykata e Lart\u00eb e ajo Kushtetuese dhe ku votat bliheshin hapur nga qeveritar\u00eb t\u00eb pand\u00ebshkuesh\u00ebm. Ky kusht\u00ebzim dha impulse p\u00ebr t\u00eb normalizuar deri diku jet\u00ebn institucionale e politike n\u00eb vendin ton\u00eb edhe pse 15 kushtet nuk u p\u00ebrmbush\u00ebn plot\u00ebsisht.<\/p>\n

KM Edi Rama reagoi ndaj 15 kushteve duke i quajtur bllokim politik \u201csepse askush m\u00eb mir\u00eb se Komisioni Evropian me mij\u00ebra ekspert\u00eb t\u00eb shk\u00eblqyer nuk mund t\u00eb vler\u00ebsoj\u00eb gjendjen m\u00eb sakt\u00eb e qart\u00eb\u201d. Por po t\u00eb d\u00ebgjosh se \u00e7far\u00eb thon\u00eb privatisht ekspert\u00ebt e BE n\u00eb Tiran\u00eb p\u00ebr gjendjen e administrat\u00ebs publike, zbatimin konkret t\u00eb legjislacionit dhe aft\u00ebsin\u00eb e implementimit legjislacionit t\u00eb BE) t\u00eb z\u00eb m\u00ebrzia. Sa merren parasysh k\u00ebto mendime n\u00eb shkall\u00ebt e hierarkis\u00eb dhe sa pasqyrohen n\u00eb raporte \u00ebsht\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje tjet\u00ebr.<\/p>\n

Sot kur ne jemi n\u00eb negociata prej nj\u00eb viti me BE \u00ebsht\u00eb me vend pyetja se \u00e7far\u00eb impakti pozitiv kan\u00eb patur ato n\u00eb cil\u00ebsin\u00eb e demokracis\u00eb e t\u00eb shtetit ligjor (Kriteret e Kopenhag\u00ebs). Po t\u00eb krahasosh rezolut\u00ebn e 11 korrikut 2023 t\u00eb Parlamentit Evropian me at\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00eb viti m\u00eb par\u00eb nuk sheh progres e me gjas\u00eb sheh nj\u00eb far\u00eb regresi.<\/p>\n

Raporti \u201cscreening\u201d p\u00ebr Shqip\u00ebrin\u00eb i prezantuar n\u00eb 20 korrik 2023 nga Komisioni Evropian \u00ebsht\u00eb dokumenti baz\u00eb q\u00eb analizon gjendjen e vendit; mbi k\u00ebt\u00eb baz\u00eb BE do t\u00eb duhet t\u00eb vendos\u00eb mbi ecurin\u00eb e negociatave. Megjithat\u00eb teksti i paraqitur nuk ndryshon shum\u00eb nga raportet formaliste t\u00eb m\u00ebparshme; radari i Komisionit nuk sheh as problemet madhore e akute dhe as trendin shqet\u00ebsues korruptokratik q\u00eb trajtohen me kompetenc\u00eb n\u00eb raportimet e disa mediave e OJF-ve nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare.<\/p>\n

Me r\u00ebnien e kusht\u00ebzimeve, pro\u00e7esi i negociatave duket se \u00ebsht\u00eb kthyer n\u00eb rutin\u00ebn e vjet\u00ebr t\u00eb verifikimeve formale t\u00eb legjislacionit. Kjo m\u00ebnyr\u00eb mund t\u00eb ket\u00eb qen\u00eb adekuate p\u00ebr an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimin e Suedis\u00eb e t\u00eb Austris\u00eb n\u00eb vitin 1995. N\u00eb k\u00ebto vende ka funksionuar sundimi i ligjit, shteti nuk ishte i kapur dhe rotacioni elektoral i pushtetit ishte i mundsh\u00ebm. Pra t\u00eb famshmet e tashm\u00eb gjys\u00ebm t\u00eb harruarat Kritere t\u00eb Kopenhag\u00ebs ishin t\u00eb p\u00ebrmbushura. P\u00ebr disa shtete n\u00eb Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor fatkeq\u00ebsisht kjo nuk mund t\u00eb thuhet.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb diskutim \u00ebsht\u00eb efekti transformues pozitiv dhe \u201cevropianizues\u201d i integrimit n\u00eb BE. Deri tashti tek ne duket se BE ka nj\u00eb rol frenues ndaj p\u00ebrkeq\u00ebsimit si n\u00eb rastin e pasaportave t\u00eb arta, t\u00eb amnistis\u00eb fiskalo-penale (sipas Edi Ram\u00ebs edhe ShBA ka qen\u00eb kund\u00ebr) apo edhe t\u00eb nd\u00ebrprerjes s\u00eb IPARD-it s\u00eb fundmi. Por edhe n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb rol BE d\u00ebften limite: Brukseli nuk frenoi dot projektin pla\u00e7kit\u00ebs t\u00eb Portit Durr\u00ebs, megjith\u00eb shkeljen e MSA-s\u00eb; po ashtu Komisioni Europian e squlli kund\u00ebrshtimin fillestar n\u00eb parim ndaj legalizimit t\u00eb kanabisit n\u00eb kritere teknike jo shum\u00eb dometh\u00ebn\u00ebse.<\/p>\n

An\u00ebtar\u00ebsimi me faza si mund\u00ebsi e shans<\/strong><\/p>\n

Nj\u00eb shpjegim p\u00ebr munges\u00ebn e interesat p\u00ebr reforma reale e t\u00eb zbatuara n\u00eb vendet e Ballkanit Per\u00ebndimor \u00ebsht\u00eb se ato mund t\u00eb kufizojn\u00eb e ndoshta t\u00eb rrezikojn\u00eb pushtetin e sundimtar\u00ebve aktual\u00eb nd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb q\u00eb sforcimi nuk shp\u00ebrblehet: an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimi mbetet shum\u00eb vite larg dhe maksimumi i arritsh\u00ebm \u00ebsht\u00eb \u00e7elja e ndonj\u00eb kapitulli tjet\u00ebr n\u00eb negociata. Fokusi mbetet te fondet e Brukselit. Ato mund t\u00eb ken\u00eb impakt pozitiv p.sh. n\u00eb vepra infrastrukturore kur prokurimi e i t\u00ebr\u00eb procesi \u00ebsht\u00eb korrekt. Por mund t\u00eb agravojn\u00eb edhe nj\u00eb situat\u00eb oligarkiko-korruptive si\u00e7 rezultoi me fondin IPARD n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri dhe ku s\u00eb fundmi Komisioni Evropian fatmir\u00ebsisht e m\u00eb n\u00eb fund dha nj\u00eb sinjal parimor duke nd\u00ebrprer\u00eb aktivitetin e k\u00ebtij fondi.<\/p>\n

Por k\u00ebto m\u00eb s\u00eb shumti jan\u00eb aktivitete zhvillimore q\u00eb do t\u00eb ishin t\u00eb ngjashme edhe n\u00eb Afrik\u00eb apo n\u00eb Amerik\u00eb Latine dhe pak kan\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebjn\u00eb n\u00eb thelb me integrimin evropian.<\/p>\n

An\u00ebtar\u00ebsimi me faza premton ta ndryshoj\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb rutin\u00eb. An\u00ebtar\u00ebsimi n\u00eb nj\u00eb program t\u00eb BE si p.sh. lidhur me energjin\u00eb apo transportin hap mund\u00ebsi konkrete duke filluar me aksesin n\u00eb Tregun e P\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt deri tek fondet e kohezionit p\u00ebrkat\u00ebse. Ky hap sjell avantazhe konkrete q\u00eb ndihen afatshkurt\u00ebr n\u00eb sektorin ekonomik-shoq\u00ebror p\u00ebrkat\u00ebs. Por mbi t\u00eb gjitha sjell edhe detyrimin p\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrmbushur q\u00eb n\u00eb fillim kriteret evropiane p\u00ebrkat\u00ebse n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb reale e t\u00eb verifikueshme. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb rast raporti incentiv\/sforco ndryshon n\u00eb favor t\u00eb incentivit krahasuar me an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimin konvencional.<\/p>\n

An\u00ebtar\u00ebsimi me faza duke prekur interesa direkte mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb nj\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb (ri)zgjuar interesimin shoq\u00ebror p\u00ebr integrimin evropian. P. sh. n\u00ebse nj\u00eb shtet n\u00eb Ballkan arriti t\u00eb an\u00ebtar\u00ebsohet n\u00eb aksh programin evropian dhe ekonomia e shoq\u00ebria si pasoj\u00eb g\u00ebzon benefitet, at\u00ebher\u00eb qeverit\u00eb n\u00eb shtetet e tjera t\u00eb rajonit do t\u00eb vihen n\u00ebn presion nga shoq\u00ebrit\u00eb e tyre p\u00ebr t\u00eb p\u00ebrmbushur ato kritere q\u00eb t\u00eb realizohet an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimi me benefitet e tij. Nj\u00eb efekt i till\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00eb se arrihet me deklarime abstrakte se an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimi do t\u00eb ndodh\u00eb n\u00eb vitin 2030.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb muajt e fundit \u201can\u00ebtar\u00ebsimi me faza\u201d \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrmendur kalimthi n\u00eb mbledhjet qeveritare rajonale; Presidentja von der Leyen pritet t\u2019a rikonfirmoj\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb ide apo nism\u00eb n\u00eb fjalimin \u201cGjendja e Unionit\u201d q\u00eb do e mbaj\u00eb ne mes te k\u00ebtij muaji. \u00a0N\u00ebse an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimi me faza\u201d zyrtarizohet, ky\u00e7 i suksesit mbetet rigoroziteti n\u00eb verifikimin e p\u00ebrmbushjes s\u00eb kushteve dhe kritereve. Por a do t\u00eb jet\u00eb n\u00eb gjendje Komisioni Evropian t\u2019a b\u00ebj\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb? Apo prirja \u201cgjeopolitike\u201d,si\u00e7 e p\u00ebrkufizoi znj. von der Leyen n\u00eb fillim t\u00eb presidenc\u00ebs s\u00eb saj, do e shtyj\u00eb t\u00eb mbyll\u00eb nj\u00ebrin sy. A do t\u00eb jen\u00eb K\u00ebshilli dhe Parlamenti po aq parimor\u00eb dhe ekzigjent\u00eb si\u00e7 u treguan para tre vjet\u00ebsh me Shqip\u00ebrin\u00eb? Ne lipset t\u00eb shpresojm\u00eb q\u00eb k\u00ebto pyetje t\u00eb marrin nj\u00eb p\u00ebrgjigje pozitive.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Nga\u00a0Genc POLLO N\u00eb nj\u00eb konferenc\u00eb p\u00ebr sigurin\u00eb globale (GLOBSEC 2023) t\u00eb mbajtur n\u00eb Bratislav\u00eb, Sllovaki n\u00eb 31 maj t\u00eb k\u00ebtij viti moderatori pyeti dy panelist\u00ebt, kryeministrin shqiptar dhe at\u00eb maqedonas se cili ishte reagimi i tyre ndaj fjalimit t\u00eb Presidentes s\u00eb Komisionit Evropian von der Leyen t\u00eb mbajtur para nj\u00eb ore n\u00eb panelin e m\u00ebparsh\u00ebm. …<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":4,"featured_media":37400,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[44],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-55914","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","","category-editorial"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/55914","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/4"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=55914"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/55914\/revisions"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/37400"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=55914"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=55914"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=55914"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}