{"id":67693,"date":"2023-12-29T10:00:07","date_gmt":"2023-12-29T10:00:07","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/?p=67693"},"modified":"2023-12-29T10:00:07","modified_gmt":"2023-12-29T10:00:07","slug":"ngerci-ne-ukraine-lufta-ne-gaza-presidencialet-ne-shba-ja-cfare-na-pret-ne-2024","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/2023\/12\/29\/ngerci-ne-ukraine-lufta-ne-gaza-presidencialet-ne-shba-ja-cfare-na-pret-ne-2024\/","title":{"rendered":"\u201cNg\u00ebr\u00e7i n\u00eb Ukrain\u00eb, lufta n\u00eb Gaza, presidencialet n\u00eb SHBA: ja \u00e7far\u00eb na pret n\u00eb 2024\u201d"},"content":{"rendered":"<p><em><strong>Intervist\u00eb me Giampiero Massolo, President i Italian Institute for International Political Studies<\/strong><\/em><\/p>\n<p><strong>Presidenti Massolo, k\u00ebt\u00eb num\u00ebr t\u00eb revist\u00ebs ton\u00eb provoni t\u00eb analizoni temat ky\u00e7e t\u00eb 2024. \u00c7far\u00eb viti do t\u00eb jet\u00eb?<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>\u00abViti q\u00eb do t\u00eb vij\u00eb do t\u00eb karakterizohet nga fenomenologji t\u00eb ndryshme: e para \u00ebsht\u00eb evoluimi i luft\u00ebrave n\u00eb zhjvillim, sidomos Ukrain\u00eb dhe Lindje t\u00eb Mesme, q\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebsohen nga fakti q\u00eb mund t\u00eb zbuten, por jo t\u00eb zgjidhen, duke par\u00eb se b\u00ebhet fjal\u00eb p\u00ebr kriza q\u00eb do t\u00eb zgjaten p\u00ebr nj\u00eb koh\u00eb t\u00eb gjat\u00eb. K\u00ebto dy konflikte n\u00eb 2024 do t\u00eb duhet t\u00eb menaxhohen, edhe pse nuk do t\u00eb jet\u00eb e v\u00ebshtir\u00eb. Nj\u00ebherazi kan\u00eb dinamika t\u00eb ndryshme: lufta e par\u00eb \u00e7on tek ng\u00ebr\u00e7i, e dyta, ajo e Lindjes s\u00eb Mesme, mund t\u00eb \u00e7oj\u00eb potencialisht dhe shpresueshm\u00ebrisht n\u00eb nj\u00eb dinamiz\u00ebm t\u00eb ri t\u00eb rajonit. K\u00ebto jan\u00eb bastet kryesore q\u00eb do t\u00eb na shoq\u00ebrojn\u00eb n\u00eb vitin q\u00eb vjen. Nj\u00eb tem\u00eb tjet\u00ebr do t\u00eb jet\u00eb ai i lidhjes s\u00eb tranzicionit energjitik me nevojat e ekonomive n\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00ebsi dhe, akoma, nevoja e menaxhimit t\u00eb flukseve migratore dhe mbajtjes n\u00ebn kontroll t\u00eb raportit midis Shteteve t\u00eb Bashkuara dhe Kin\u00ebs. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb panoram\u00eb do t\u00eb zhvillohen fushatat elektorale p\u00ebr zgjedhjet europiane dhe sidomos p\u00ebr zgjedhjen e presidentit t\u00eb ardhsh\u00ebm amerikan, q\u00eb do t\u00eb mund t\u00eb sillte diskontinunitete t\u00eb forta n\u00eb ekuilibrat e brendsh\u00ebm dhe bot\u00ebror\u00eb aktual\u00eb, sidomos n\u00eb rastin e fitores s\u00eb nj\u00eb republikani\u00bb.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Lidhur me Shtetet e Bashkuara, edhe pse \u00ebsht\u00eb akoma shpejt, mund t\u00eb themi se \u00ebsht\u00eb e mundur nj\u00eb fitore e Donald Trump?<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>\u00abLe t\u00eb themi se nuk mund ta p\u00ebrjashtojm\u00eb. Momentalisht Trump ka nj\u00eb mund\u00ebsi t\u00eb lart\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebhet kandidati republikan. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb pik\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb mjaft logjike t\u00eb mendosh se kandidati demokrat do t\u00eb jet\u00eb Joe Biden. Midis t\u00eb dyve, Trump do t\u00eb kishte nj\u00eb mund\u00ebsi konkrete q\u00eb t\u00eb kthehet e t\u00eb jet\u00eb president i Shteteve t\u00eb Bashkuara. Ama \u00ebsht\u00eb e nevojshme t\u00eb mbahet parasysh nj\u00eb element: duhet par\u00eb se cili do t\u00eb ishte orientimi i financuesve t\u00eb m\u00ebdhenj republikan\u00eb, duke pasur nj\u00eb kandidat shp\u00ebrthyes si Trump\u00bb.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Pas sulmit ndaj Capitol Hill duket absurde q\u00eb mendohet p\u00ebr nj\u00eb fitore t\u00eb mundshme t\u00eb re t\u00eb manjatit.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>\u00abKy episod, pavar\u00ebsisht nga dora pakashum\u00eb direkte q\u00eb mund t\u00eb ket\u00eb vendosur Trump, \u00ebsht\u00eb demonstrimi plastik i asaj q\u00eb jan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb sot Shtetet e Bashkuara: nj\u00eb vend i p\u00ebr\u00e7ar\u00eb dhe i polarizuar, q\u00eb adopton dy metodologji q\u00eb nuk qen\u00eb t\u00eb politik\u00ebs amerikane, dometh\u00ebn\u00eb delegjitimim i kund\u00ebrshtarit dhe marrja peng e \u00e7do teme t\u00eb debatit t\u00eb brendsh\u00ebm, p\u00ebrfshi sigurin\u00eb komb\u00ebtare. Zakone jo t\u00eb rralla n\u00eb lart\u00ebsi t\u00eb tjera, por deri m\u00eb tani pak t\u00eb pranishme n\u00eb dinamikat amerikane\u00bb.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Duket sikur n\u00eb Amerik\u00eb, si\u00e7 e konfirmon nj\u00eb sondazh i \u201cFinancial Times\u201d, po l\u00ebkundet uniteti ndaj mb\u00ebshtetjes s\u00eb kauz\u00ebs ukrainase. Mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb nj\u00eb sinjal si p\u00ebr Biden, ashtu edhe p\u00ebr ato q\u00eb do t\u00eb jen\u00eb vendimet e ardhshme e politik\u00ebs s\u00eb jashtme t\u00eb Uashingtonit?<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>\u00abAjo q\u00eb po ndodh n\u00eb raport me luft\u00ebn n\u00eb Ukrain\u00eb \u2013 e ashtuquajtura \u201c<em>fatigue<\/em>\u201d \u2013 ka rr\u00ebnj\u00eb t\u00eb larg\u00ebta. Duhen mbajtur parasysh tre element\u00eb: af\u00ebrsia e zgjedhjeve amerikane, nj\u00eb lodhje objektive p\u00ebr opinionet publike nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare p\u00ebr ta mbajtur v\u00ebmendjen dhe pjes\u00ebmarrja n\u00eb konflikte q\u00eb zgjaten shum\u00eb, pastaj edhe fakti q\u00eb kund\u00ebrsulmi ukrainas nuk ka pasur sukses dhe \u00ebsht\u00eb pezulluar, aq sa ka q\u00eb evokon mund\u00ebsin\u00eb q\u00eb n\u00eb pranver\u00eb do t\u00eb ket\u00eb nj\u00eb sulm t\u00eb ri rus. Problemi \u00ebsht\u00eb se si Putini, ashtu edhe Zelensky nuk jan\u00eb n\u00eb gjendje t\u00eb arrijn\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje negociale. Presidenti rus pse ka d\u00ebshtuar qysh nga fillimi i pushtimit, duke mos arritur t\u00eb instaloj\u00eb nj\u00eb qeveri kukull n\u00eb Kiev dhe tani n\u00eb nj\u00eb far\u00eb m\u00ebnyre ka nevoj\u00eb t\u00eb shp\u00ebtoj\u00eb faqen. Zelensky sepse nuk mund t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb asnj\u00eb hap prapa pas masakrave t\u00eb p\u00ebsuara, si ajo e Bucha. Pra, q\u00eb t\u00eb dy do t\u00eb presin faktet dhe zhvillimet n\u00eb terren\u00bb.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Cili mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb evolucioni i konfliktit?<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>\u00abN\u00eb gjendjen aktuale n\u00eb terren ka nj\u00eb situat\u00eb ng\u00ebr\u00e7i, q\u00eb nuk duket se mund t\u00eb ndryshoj\u00eb s\u00eb shpejti. Faktikisht po ndryshon paradigma: nuk thuhet m\u00eb \u201cti ndihmojm\u00eb ukrainasit t\u00eb fitojn\u00eb\u201d, dometh\u00ebn\u00eb t\u00eb ripushtojn\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha territoret e pushtuara nga rus\u00ebt. Sepse \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb hipotez\u00eb q\u00eb \u2013 si\u00e7 e kemi par\u00eb n\u00eb terren \u2013 nuk do t\u00eb realizohet. Tani thuhet \u201cti ndihmojm\u00eb t\u00eb vihen n\u00eb siguri\u201d, dometh\u00ebn\u00eb, edhe pse askush nuk e pranon, n\u00ebnkupton se nja 15% &#8211; 20% e territorit ukrainas do t\u2019i mbetej Rusis\u00eb\u00bb.<\/p>\n<p><strong>N\u00eb \u00e7far\u00eb m\u00ebnyre do t\u00eb vendosej n\u00eb siguri Ukraina?<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>\u00abOse n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet hyrjes s\u00eb saj n\u00eb NATO \u2013 po duhej pritur nj\u00eb vendim brenda p\u00ebrvjetorit t\u00eb 75 t\u00eb Aleanc\u00ebs q\u00eb do t\u00eb zhvillohet muajt e ardhsh\u00ebm n\u00eb Uashington \u2013 ose duke armatosur Ukrain\u00ebn, duke e b\u00ebr\u00eb nj\u00eb kafshat\u00eb t\u00eb pap\u00ebrtypshme p\u00ebr pushtuesin rus. \u00cbsht\u00eb gjithmon\u00eb situata n\u00eb terren ajo q\u00eb p\u00ebrcakton se \u00e7far\u00eb do t\u00eb ndodh\u00eb. Nj\u00eb rezultat q\u00eb mund t\u00eb prodhohej n\u00eb faktet mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb ai i rishpluhurosjes s\u00eb modelit t\u00eb ndarjes midis Gjermanis\u00eb Lindore dhe Gjermanis\u00eb Per\u00ebndimore, dometh\u00ebn\u00eb i nj\u00eb territori t\u00eb gjer\u00eb ukrainas q\u00eb mbetet per\u00ebndimor, dhe nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb shum\u00eb t\u00eb vog\u00ebl, n\u00eb lindje, q\u00eb Putini faktikisht e ka pushtuar. Si\u00e7 e demonstron rasti gjerman, mund t\u00eb arrihet t\u00eb konceptohen k\u00ebto dy territore t\u00eb ken\u00eb regjime sigurie t\u00eb ndryshme. Do t\u00eb ruhej gjithashtu perspektiva europiane e Ukrain\u00ebs dhe nga kjo pik\u00ebpamje vendimi i K\u00ebshillit Europian p\u00ebr t\u00eb nisur negociatat e aderimit me Kievin ka nj\u00eb vler\u00eb strategjike\u00bb.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Cilat mund t\u00eb jen\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00ebsit\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb proces?<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>\u00abJan\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u2019u konsideruar dy aspekte: nga nj\u00ebra an\u00eb nuk e dim\u00eb n\u00ebse dhe kur do t\u00eb votohet n\u00eb Ukrain\u00eb, por \u00ebsht\u00eb e sigurt\u00eb se Zelensky nuk do t\u00eb p\u00eblqej\u00eb aspak m\u00eb shum\u00eb sesa ai e quan fitore. Tjetra \u00ebsht\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb se Putini e ka humbur luft\u00ebn: p\u00ebr ta ngrir\u00eb ka nevoj\u00eb p\u00ebr di\u00e7ka q\u00eb i mund\u00ebson t\u00eb thot\u00eb opinionit publik t\u00eb tij se nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb mundur. E gjitha n\u00eb nj\u00eb kontekst ku siguria kthehet t\u00eb ket\u00eb nj\u00eb rol qendror n\u00eb bilancet komb\u00ebtare t\u00eb vendeve europiane\u00bb.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Besoni se Biden dhe Per\u00ebndimi e kan\u00eb ekzaltuar m\u00eb shum\u00eb se duhet figur\u00ebn e Zelensky?<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>\u00abKa qen\u00eb m\u00eb korrekte t\u00eb ruhej rendi dhe e drejta nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, p\u00ebr t\u00eb cil\u00ebn nuk mund t\u00eb b\u00ebhej gj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr ve\u00e7se t\u00eb merrej n\u00ebn mbrojtje i sulmuari. Pastaj si\u00e7 e thoshim \u00ebsht\u00eb gjithmon\u00eb terreni i betej\u00ebs ai q\u00eb p\u00ebrcakton rezultatet. Megjithat\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme t\u00eb mos theksohet shum\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekja dhe fluksi i ndihmave, n\u00eb rast se duam t\u00eb ruajm\u00eb nj\u00eb Ukrain\u00eb t\u00eb paprekshme dhe t\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00eb n\u00eb mas\u00ebn e s\u00eb mundshmes\u00bb.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Koh\u00eb m\u00eb par\u00eb Carlo De Benedetti n\u00eb nj\u00eb intervist\u00eb tha se NATO duhet ripar\u00eb. Ju \u00e7far\u00eb mendoni?<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>\u00abNATO e kishte theksuar identitetin e tij pse kishte ardhur m\u00eb pak se i armikut pas r\u00ebnies s\u00eb Murit t\u00eb Berlinit. Kurse tani kemi n\u00eb kufijt\u00eb lindor\u00eb t\u00eb Aleanc\u00ebs nj\u00eb vend q\u00eb ka sulmuar nj\u00eb vend sovran. Nevoja e mbrojtjes \u00ebsht\u00eb aq e fort\u00eb sa e ka shtyr\u00eb Suedin\u00eb dhe Finland\u00ebn t\u00eb heqin dor\u00eb nga neutraliteti tradicional i tyre dhe t\u00eb futen n\u00eb Aleanc\u00ebn Atlantike, pasi ndjeheshin t\u00eb k\u00ebrc\u00ebnuara. Ky \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr prej element\u00ebve t\u00eb humbjes s\u00eb Putinit. Nj\u00eb NATO akoma edhe m\u00eb e pranishme n\u00eb kufijt\u00eb e tij\u00bb.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Lidhur me Gazan besueshm\u00ebria e Per\u00ebndimit, q\u00eb mbetet paksa n\u00eb dritare, rrezikon q\u00eb t\u00eb jet\u00eb e k\u00ebrc\u00ebnuar?<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>\u00abKa ndodhur nj\u00eb akt i tmerrsh\u00ebm terrorist, q\u00eb mund ta quajm\u00eb 11 shtatori izraelian. Ka pasuar edhe nj\u00eb reagim legjitim dhe plot\u00ebsisht i kuptuesh\u00ebm, por q\u00eb ka krijuar nj\u00eb deformim axhendash midis komunitetit nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar dhe Izraelit. Ky i fundit synon paras\u00ebgjithash t\u2019i pres\u00eb kok\u00ebn Hamasit dhe t\u00eb rivendos\u00eb frik\u00ebsimin e sigurin\u00eb dhe m\u00eb pas t\u00eb liroj\u00eb pengjet. Kjo tem\u00eb e tret\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb fakt ajo m\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishmja p\u00ebr bashk\u00ebsin\u00eb nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, v\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb qend\u00ebr t\u00eb axhend\u00ebs s\u00eb saj, bashk\u00eb me ndihmat humanitare dhe menaxhimin e pasluft\u00ebs. Sa m\u00eb i fort\u00eb b\u00ebhet reagimi izraelian dhe zgjatet n\u00eb koh\u00eb, aq m\u00eb shum\u00eb k\u00ebto dy axhenda tentojn\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrputhen. N\u00ebse duam t\u00eb rimarrim nj\u00eb form\u00eb dialogu n\u00eb Lindje t\u00eb Mesme duhet q qeverit\u00eb t\u00eb impenjohen t\u00eb p\u00ebrkojn\u00eb axhendat. \u00cbsht\u00eb kjo ajo q\u00eb provon t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb presidenti Biden\u00bb.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Rasti i EXPO s\u00eb caktuar Riadit demonstron influenc\u00ebn e soft power t\u00eb Arabis\u00eb Saudite. Mendoni se mund t\u00eb ket\u00eb nj\u00eb rrezik t\u00eb madh sa p\u00ebr t\u00eb mos u n\u00ebnvler\u00ebsuar?<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>\u00abBesoj se \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb e dh\u00ebn\u00eb faktike q\u00eb vendimet nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare t\u00eb jen\u00eb gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb t\u00eb kusht\u00ebzuar nga resurset q\u00eb mund t\u00eb vihen n\u00eb fush\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb ndjekur finalitetet e veta. N\u00eb nj\u00eb sistem marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniesh nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare q\u00eb b\u00ebhet anarkik, pa q\u00eb asnj\u00eb i vet\u00ebm t\u00eb jet\u00eb n\u00eb gjendje t\u00eb diktoj\u00eb temat ky\u00e7e, ka shum\u00eb hap\u00ebsir\u00eb p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb fuqi t\u00eb mesme emergjente, shum\u00eb t\u00eb vendosura n\u00eb aksionin e tyre, t\u00eb pasura me mjete dhe q\u00eb shpesh nuk p\u00ebrdorin modalitete si demokraci europiane. Ky duhet t\u00eb jet\u00eb argument debati: duam q\u00eb vendosm\u00ebrit\u00eb e komunitetit nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar t\u00eb jen\u00eb t\u00eb diktuara n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb unike nga v\u00ebllimi i resurseve t\u00eb p\u00ebrdorura apo q\u00eb jan\u00eb nd\u00ebrmjet\u00ebsuar nga marr\u00ebveshje, duke i ridh\u00ebn\u00eb limf\u00eb metod\u00ebs multilaterale? Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb tem\u00eb gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb aktuale dhe mbi t\u00eb cil\u00ebn do t\u00eb duhej reflektuar\u00bb.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Nga nj\u00eb pik\u00ebpamje europane, fakti i pasjes s\u00eb politikan\u00ebve t\u00eb paguar nga shtete t\u00eb huaja jodemokratike, nuk p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebson nj\u00eb kontradikt\u00eb?<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>\u00abParas\u00ebgjithash m\u00ebnyra me t\u00eb cil\u00ebn vepron n\u00eb dit\u00ebt e sotme komuniteti nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar shkon p\u00ebrtej sjelljes s\u00eb individ\u00ebve t\u00eb ve\u00e7ant\u00eb. Jan\u00eb n\u00eb loj\u00eb aspekte themelore dhe m\u00eb t\u00eb gjera. N\u00eb radh\u00eb t\u00eb dyt\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u2019u th\u00ebn\u00eb se ka lart\u00ebsi dhe gjer\u00ebsi: di\u00e7ka q\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb vend mund t\u00eb konsiderohet jo legjitim dhe i ndjeksh\u00ebm, nga ana tjet\u00ebr \u00ebsht\u00eb i zhytur. Mund t\u00eb diskutohet n\u00eb fakt mbi mund\u00ebsin\u00eb e k\u00ebsaj, por kjo i lihet vler\u00ebsimeve t\u00eb opinionit publik, p\u00ebrve\u00e7se atyre t\u00eb direkt t\u00eb interesuarve\u00bb.<\/p>\n<p><strong>N\u00eb dekad\u00ebn e fundit mund t\u00eb themi se diplomacia \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb pik\u00eb t\u00eb vdekur?<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>\u00abMbetet nj\u00eb instrument tek i cili nuk ka sesi t\u00eb mos drejtohesh, bile \u00ebsht\u00eb i nevojsh\u00ebm sa m\u00eb shum\u00eb konfliktet jan\u00eb kompleks\u00eb. Duke qen\u00eb nj\u00eb instrument, duhet t\u00eb hyj\u00eb e t\u00eb jet\u00eb pjes\u00eb e nj\u00eb sistemi m\u00eb t\u00eb gjer\u00eb, q\u00eb p\u00ebrfshin vullnetin e qeverive p\u00ebr t\u00eb arritur finalitetet politike, inteligjenc\u00ebs, aleancave midis shteteve. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kuptim diplomacia ndihmon q\u00eb t\u00eb gjenden zgjidhje, por e vetme nuk mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb imponuese\u00bb.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Ama mund t\u00eb themi se n\u00eb vitet e fundit kemi asistuar n\u00eb nj\u00eb d\u00ebshtim gradual t\u00eb sh\u00ebrbimeve?<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>\u00abJo, nuk do ta thoja. Normalisht qeverit\u00eb i k\u00ebrkojn\u00eb inteligjencave t\u00eb tyre tre gj\u00ebra: t\u00eb kontekstualizojn\u00eb fenomene komplekse, t\u00eb jen\u00eb t\u00eb informuar korrekt\u00ebsisht e n\u00eb momentin e duhur dhe t\u00eb k\u00ebrkojn\u00eb t\u00eb ndryshojn\u00eb situatat n\u00eb terren. Kjo e fundit \u00ebsht\u00eb k\u00ebrkesa gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb n\u00eb rritje, por nj\u00ebherazi m\u00eb e v\u00ebshtira p\u00ebr t\u2019u realizuar. Si p\u00ebr diplomacin\u00eb, inteligjenca \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb instrument, por ama jo i vetmi n\u00eb dispozicion\u00bb.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Samite si G7, pas pushtimit t\u00eb Ukrain\u00ebs, kan\u00eb ende kuptim?<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>\u00abAbsolutisht po. sidomos sepse G7 \u00ebsht\u00eb shum\u00eb e hapur, si nga demokracit\u00eb aziatike, ashtu edhe si\u00e7 ndodhinm diskutimet midis lider\u00ebve, n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb m\u00eb direkte. Pastaj ka qen\u00eb edhe basti i G20, p\u00ebr t\u00eb provuar t\u00eb p\u00ebrfshij\u00eb vendet e m\u00ebdh emergjente, duke filluar nga Kina, por \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb format gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb i v\u00ebshtir\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u2019u menaxhuar, pasi jan\u00eb interesa divergjente. \u00cbsht\u00eb rikthyer k\u00ebshtu n\u00eb grupe me shtete homogjene, jo m\u00eb s\u00eb n\u00eb t\u00eb kaluar\u00ebn me iden\u00eb e nj\u00eb qeverie t\u00eb planetit, por p\u00ebr t\u2019i dh\u00ebn\u00eb forc\u00eb reciprokisht dhe p\u00ebr t\u2019i paraqitur n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb kompakte ndaj pjes\u00ebs tjet\u00ebr t\u00eb bot\u00ebs. Vihej k\u00ebshtu n\u00eb nj\u00eb lloj G7 plus p\u00ebr sa i p\u00ebrket Per\u00ebndimit dhe n\u00eb tentativ\u00ebn e individualizuar nga Kina e BRICS plus. Mund t\u00eb themi se p\u00ebrball\u00eb kriz\u00ebs s\u00eb multilateralizmit klasik, bota procedon me grupe vendesh\u00bb.<\/p>\n<p>(nga <em>The Post Internazionale<\/em>)<\/p>\n<p><strong>P\u00ebrgatiti<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><strong>ARMIN TIRANA<\/strong><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Intervist\u00eb me Giampiero Massolo, President i Italian Institute for International Political Studies Presidenti Massolo, k\u00ebt\u00eb num\u00ebr t\u00eb revist\u00ebs ton\u00eb provoni t\u00eb analizoni temat ky\u00e7e t\u00eb 2024. \u00c7far\u00eb viti do t\u00eb jet\u00eb? \u00abViti q\u00eb do t\u00eb vij\u00eb do t\u00eb karakterizohet nga fenomenologji t\u00eb ndryshme: e para \u00ebsht\u00eb evoluimi i luft\u00ebrave n\u00eb zhjvillim, sidomos Ukrain\u00eb dhe Lindje &hellip;<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":4,"featured_media":67694,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[42],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-67693","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","","category-kulture"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/67693","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/4"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=67693"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/67693\/revisions"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/67694"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=67693"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=67693"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=67693"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}