{"id":756,"date":"2021-12-19T12:44:20","date_gmt":"2021-12-19T12:44:20","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/rdnews.al\/?p=756"},"modified":"2021-12-26T21:46:43","modified_gmt":"2021-12-26T21:46:43","slug":"me-kete-amerike-nato-nuk-funksionon-le-te-ndertojme-nje-berthame-me-berlinin-dhe-parisin","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/2021\/12\/19\/me-kete-amerike-nato-nuk-funksionon-le-te-ndertojme-nje-berthame-me-berlinin-dhe-parisin\/","title":{"rendered":"\u201cMe k\u00ebt\u00eb Amerik\u00eb, NATO nuk funksionon. Le t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtojm\u00eb nj\u00eb b\u00ebrtham\u00eb me Berlinin dhe Parisin\u201d"},"content":{"rendered":"

Bashk\u00ebbisedim me gjeneralin Vincenzo Camporini, k\u00ebshilltar shkencor i Istituto Affari Internazionali, ish shef i Shtatmadhoris\u00eb s\u00eb Mbrojtjes.<\/strong><\/em><\/p>\n

Si komandant ushtarak, si vler\u00ebsoni t\u00ebrheqjen e Shteteve t\u00eb Bashkuara dhe t\u00eb aleat\u00ebve NATO nga Afganistani?<\/strong><\/p>\n

T\u00ebrheqja duhej t\u00eb konceptohej dhe t\u00eb zbatohej ndryshe. Do t\u00eb ishte e nevojshme nj\u00eb koncertim i brendsh\u00ebm n\u00eb Aleanc\u00ebn Atlantike p\u00ebr t\u00eb definuar nj\u00eb plan q\u00eb t\u00eb mos p\u00ebrkthehej n\u00eb ikjen tragjike t\u00eb p\u00ebrgjithshme. Gj\u00ebja e vetme q\u00eb ka funksionuar kan\u00eb qen\u00eb lidhjet personale midis komandave t\u00eb larta ushtarake aleate, nd\u00ebrsa ka munguar krejt\u00ebsisht koordinimi institucional. Rezultati: nj\u00eb operacion m\u00eb shum\u00eb se i diskutuesh\u00ebm jo vet\u00ebm n\u00eb gjenez\u00ebn e tij, por edhe n\u00eb realizimin e m\u00ebpas\u00ebm t\u00eb tij. E kulmuar n\u00eb masakr\u00ebn e 26 gushtit n\u00eb Kabul, q\u00eb do t\u00eb peshoj\u00eb gjat\u00eb, sidomos n\u00eb Amerik\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Si \u00ebsht\u00eb e mundur q\u00eb superfuqia amerikane nuk ka ditur t\u00eb organizoj\u00eb nj\u00eb t\u00ebrheqje dinjitoze?<\/strong><\/p>\n

Aparatet federale amerikane nuk funksionojn\u00eb si dikur. Rasti afganas e konfirmon. Mbi keqfunksionimin ndikon edhe faktori njer\u00ebzor. Sh\u00ebrbimet e inteligjenc\u00ebs p\u00ebrb\u00ebhen nga dy kategori: nj\u00eb i past\u00ebr, i pakujdessh\u00ebm p\u00ebr bashk\u00ebbiseduesin institucional, q\u00eb p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsisht mbetet i pad\u00ebgjuar; tjetra m\u00eb e n\u00ebnshtruar, e gatshme q\u00eb t\u00eb prodhoj\u00eb informacione t\u00eb dobishme p\u00ebr klas\u00ebn politike. Sht\u00ebpia e Bardh\u00eb, sidomos me K\u00ebshilltarin e Siguris\u00eb Komb\u00ebtare Jake Sullivan, ka zgjedhur q\u00eb t\u00eb d\u00ebgjoj\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kategori t\u00eb dyt\u00eb, q\u00eb siguronte modalitetet e t\u00ebrheqjes, duke i n\u00ebnvler\u00ebsuar rreziqe dhe implikime. Pentagoni \u00ebsht\u00eb nxjerr\u00eb jasht\u00eb krejt\u00ebsisht, nj\u00eblloj me CIA. Ish kreu i Antiterrorizmit t\u00eb Agjencis\u00eb p\u00ebr Azin\u00eb Jugore dhe Juglindore Douglas London, mbik\u00ebqyr\u00ebs i aktiviteteve n\u00eb Afganistan nga 2016 deri m\u00eb 2018, ka pohuar se d\u00e9b\u00e2cle<\/em> afganas \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb d\u00ebshtim gjeopolitik dhe teknik, i shkaktuar nga Marr\u00ebveshja e Dohas dhe nga largimi i t\u00eb gjitha bazave amerikane dhe aleate, q\u00eb ka minuar aft\u00ebsin\u00eb e b\u00ebrjes inteligjenc\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb skenar n\u00eb ndryshim t\u00eb shpejt\u00eb. N\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn linj\u00eb edhe David Petraeus, ish drejtor i CIA dhe komandant i International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) t\u00eb NATO n\u00eb periudh\u00ebn 2010 \u2013 2011, q\u00eb e ka ngritur gishtin kund\u00ebr vendimit t\u00eb Trump dhe Biden p\u00ebr t\u00eb zbarkuar pa nj\u00eb koncertim me aleat\u00ebt dhe me qeverin\u00eb afganase. Duke shtuar se do t\u00eb kishte mjaftuar q\u00eb mbaheshin disa pak mij\u00ebra midis trupave t\u00eb rregullta dhe contractors<\/em> p\u00ebr t\u00eb shmangur kolapsin e forcave t\u00eb siguris\u00eb lokale.<\/p>\n

Dometh\u00ebn\u00eb ka munguar nj\u00eb koordinim i brendsh\u00ebm n\u00eb Shtetet e Bashkuara, si me aleat\u00ebt n\u00eb Afganistan. Por kjo ka ndodhur?<\/strong><\/p>\n

Nj\u00eb form\u00eb koordinimi ekzistonte derikur ISAF \u2013 dometh\u00ebn\u00eb misioni NATO \u2013 ishte operativ. Pavar\u00ebsisht limiteve strukturore t\u00eb tij, pasi \u00e7do vend mbahej \u2013 dhe mbahet \u2013 t\u00eb shtr\u00ebnguara fort parimet baz\u00eb e sovranitetit t\u00eb tij. Le t\u00eb mendojm\u00eb p\u00ebr rregullat e angazhimit, q\u00eb nuk kan\u00eb qen\u00eb kurr\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebta. Me rezultatin q\u00eb prball\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebs situat\u00eb, p\u00ebr shembull, nj\u00eb ushtar francez reagon ndryshe nga nj\u00eb italian. Kjo ndodh n\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha misionet e NATO. Nj\u00eb katastrof\u00eb permanente. Nj\u00eb mision q\u00eb nuk mund t\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetet mbi uniformitetin e sjelljes s\u00eb trupave n\u00eb fushl me k\u00ebmb\u00ebn e gabuar. Edhe pse n\u00eb popullsin\u00eb lokale shp\u00ebrthen menj\u00ebher\u00eb sindromi i \u201cpolicit t\u00eb mir\u00eb dhe i policit t\u00eb keq\u201d, duke e minuar besueshm\u00ebrin\u00eb e misionit.<\/p>\n

Problemi tjet\u00ebr ishte i natyr\u00ebs gjeografike: \u00e7do vend ishte kuptueshm\u00ebrisht xheloz p\u00ebr kontigjentin e tij dhe donte ta mbante n\u00eb nj\u00eb hap\u00ebsir\u00eb avantazhuese. Mbret\u00ebronte konceptin i territorialitetit, p\u00ebr t\u00eb cilin kishte rezistenca t\u00eb m\u00ebdha p\u00ebr t\u2019i mbajtur trupat jasht\u00eb juridiksionit t\u00eb tij. Nd\u00ebrsa kryekomandanti i ISAF k\u00ebrkonte fleksibilitet maksimal sipas nevojave t\u00eb luftimit. Kjo e ka kufizuar funksionimin e komand\u00ebs ushtarake. Por p\u00ebr pjes\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr koordinimi funksiononte dhe qasja e aleat\u00ebve ndodhte n\u00eb nj\u00eb korniz\u00eb t\u00eb strukturuar. P\u00ebr shembull, nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb v\u00ebn\u00eb ansj\u00ebher\u00eb n\u00eb diskutim sesa kemi b\u00ebr\u00eb ne italian\u00ebt n\u00eb Herat, n\u00eb rrethinat e t\u00eb cilit sovjetik\u00ebt kan\u00eb p\u00ebsuar humbje t\u00eb r\u00ebnda. Kurse k\u00ebt\u00eb Italia nuk ka pasur probleme substanciale, megjith\u00ebse duke marr\u00eb pjes\u00eb n\u00eb shum\u00eb misione luftarake.<\/p>\n

Mang\u00ebsia e koordinimit koh\u00ebt e fundit \u00ebsht\u00eb theksuar, mjafton t\u00eb shikohet n\u00eb menaxhimin e aeroportit t\u00eb Kabulit dhe t\u00eb zon\u00ebs p\u00ebrreth. Jan\u00eb marr\u00eb menj\u00ebher\u00eb s\u00ebbashku forca speciale amerikane dhe britanike, pa u kujdesur p\u00ebr homolg\u00ebt miq, p\u00ebrfshi ne italian\u00ebt. Shpesh bile na kan\u00eb shkelur k\u00ebmb\u00ebt. Situata \u00ebsht\u00eb shfaqur menj\u00ebher\u00eb katastrofike, me miliona njer\u00ebz p\u00ebr t\u00eb cil\u00ebt ne per\u00ebndimort\u00eb jemi p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebs dhe q\u00eb nuk kemi arritur as t\u2019i d\u00ebrgojm\u00eb n\u00eb aeroport. Eventualitet q\u00eb mund t\u00eb parashikohej, nuk duhej sigurisht nj\u00eb specialist n\u00eb doktrin\u00ebn ushtarake. P\u00ebr ne italian\u00ebt problemi nuk ishte edhe edhe t\u00eb filtrohej kush kishte ngelur jasht\u00eb nga Kabuli, si bashk\u00ebpun\u00ebtor\u00ebt tan\u00eb dhe familjet relative e bllokuara n\u00eb Herat. E v\u00ebshtir\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebsh iluzione lidhur me k\u00ebt\u00eb aspekt.<\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/strong>Leksioni disfat\u00ebs n\u00eb Afganistan \u00ebsht\u00eb se NATO nuk funksionon?<\/strong><\/p>\n

NATO haset me probleme shum\u00eb serioze. Pasi Amerika \u00ebsht\u00eb e mbyllur n\u00eb vet\u00ebvete dhe \u00ebsht\u00eb e prirur q\u00eb t\u2019i konsideroj\u00eb aleat\u00ebt europian\u00eb, maksimumi, si satelit\u00eb t\u00eb thjesht\u00eb, n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb shum\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb fort\u00eb se n\u00eb t\u00eb kaluar\u00ebn. T\u00eb kuptohemi, nga pik\u00ebpamja teknike, NATO \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb makin\u00eb e mrekullueshme. N\u00eb terma t\u00eb vijueshm\u00ebris\u00eb logjistike, shkalla e standardizimit e ndjekur n\u00eb k\u00ebto dekada \u00ebsht\u00eb e till\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb cil\u00ebn ushtar\u00ebt e Aleanc\u00ebs mund t\u00eb luftojn\u00eb krah p\u00ebr krah pa probleme. Ajo q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb diskutim nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb vlefshm\u00ebria teknike e NATO, \u00ebsht\u00eb ajo gjeopolitike. Pasi vendet e Europ\u00ebs Per\u00ebndimore nuk kan\u00eb asnj\u00eb pesh\u00eb n\u00eb vet\u00ebvete, kusht i r\u00ebnduar nga dy Sekretar\u00eb t\u00eb P\u00ebrgjithsh\u00ebm t\u00eb shprehur respektivisht nga Norvegjia dhe Danimarka. Vende q\u00eb komplesivisht num\u00ebrojn\u00eb pak m\u00eb shum\u00eb se 10 milion banor\u00eb. Sekretari aktual Jens Stoltenberg dhe pararend\u00ebsi i tij Anders Fogh Rasmussen nuk kan\u00eb (kishin) pesh\u00ebn specifike q\u00eb ta luajn\u00eb funksionin e tyre megjith\u00ebse t\u00eb kufizuar. Por mbi t\u00eb gjita ka pasur nj\u00eb ndryshin radikal n\u00eb qasjen amerikane. 10 vite m\u00eb par\u00eb opinioni yn\u00eb ishte i k\u00ebrkuar dhe i d\u00ebgjuar, edhe pse m\u00eb pas fjala e fundit i takonte Uashingtonit. Sot jo m\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Edhe n\u00eb virtyt t\u00eb raportit speciale t\u00eb institucionalizuar midis Shteteve t\u00eb Bashkuara, Mbret\u00ebris\u00eb s\u00eb Bashkuar dhe Kanadas\u00eb, an\u00ebtar\u00eb atlantik\u00eb t\u00eb aleanc\u00ebs s\u00eb inteligjenc\u00ebs Five Eyes. Brenda t\u00eb cil\u00ebs informacionet shk\u00ebmbehen me nj\u00eb modalitet shum\u00eb m\u00eb komode dhe nga e cila t\u00eb gjith\u00eb aleat\u00ebt e tjer\u00eb t\u00eb NATO jan\u00eb absolutisht t\u00eb p\u00ebrjashtuar. \u00cbsht\u00eb pastaj hendeku gjeopolitik. N\u00eb NATO bashk\u00ebjetojn\u00eb shpirt\u00ebra shum\u00eb t\u00eb ndryshme. Ai amerikan (bile: ato amerikane), por edhe ato europiane. Nga vendet skandinave, t\u00eb mbrujtura nga mbrojtja e t\u00eb drejtave t\u00eb njeriut, t\u00eb shtypura mbi pozicionet britanike. Nga rusofobia e shteteve balltike dhe Polonia, tek vizioni i kund\u00ebrt i ne italian\u00ebve i ngulitur mbi Mesdhe, tek ai i vet\u00ebcentruar i Franc\u00ebs. Pastaj hektoplazma gjermane. E fokalizuar mbi Ballkan, n\u00eb planin gjeopolitik Gjermania \u00ebsht\u00eb jasht\u00ebzakonisht e matur dhe n\u00eb at\u00eb ushtarak \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb deformim t\u00eb plot\u00eb. Le t\u00eb marrim opt-out<\/em> gjat\u00eb nd\u00ebrhyrjes NATO n\u00eb Libi m\u00eb 2011, q\u00eb i ka krijuar probleme serioze Aleanc\u00ebs pasi Berlini n\u00eb nj\u00eb koment t\u00eb caktuar ka vendosur t\u2019i t\u00ebrheq\u00eb oficer\u00ebt e futur n\u00eb nj\u00ebsit\u00eb operative. P\u00ebr shembull, ato t\u00eb flot\u00ebs s\u00eb mjeteve radar ne Geislenkirchen, ekuipazhet e t\u00eb cilit jan\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrzier. Personal jo i z\u00ebvend\u00ebsuesh\u00ebm menj\u00ebher\u00eb. K\u00ebshtu gjerman\u00ebt kan\u00eb bllokuar apo kan\u00eb komplikuar fluturimet. Makina ushtarake gjermane nuk funksionon dhe askush nuk e di m\u00eb mir\u00eb sesa oficer\u00ebt gjerman\u00eb. N\u00eb mesin e dekad\u00ebs s\u00eb kaluar u hartua nj\u00eb raport mbi instrumentin detar t\u00eb Gjermanis\u00eb, po t\u2019i q\u00ebndrosh t\u00eb cilit prej 6 n\u00ebndet\u00ebseve U-212 n\u00eb sh\u00ebrbim, makina t\u00eb jasht\u00ebzakonshme, asnj\u00ebra nuk mund t\u00eb merrte detin prej problemeve t\u00eb mir\u00ebmbajtjes dhe t\u00eb efikasitetit. N\u00eb konfirmin q\u00eb cil\u00ebsia njer\u00ebzore e forcave t\u00eb armatosura gjermane \u00ebsht\u00eb e sh\u00ebnuar nga probleme strukturore, edhe pse karriera ushtarake, n\u00eb nj\u00eb vend q\u00eb t\u00eb rinjve u ofron mund\u00ebsi, nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb e p\u00ebrtypshme.<\/p>\n

K\u00ebshtu q\u00eb ne italian\u00ebt \u00e7far\u00eb duhet t\u00eb b\u00ebjm\u00eb?<\/strong><\/p>\n

Jam \u00ebnd\u00ebrrimtar. Mendoj se nj\u00eb traum\u00eb si kjo afganase mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrb\u00ebj\u00eb shk\u00ebndij\u00ebn q\u00eb hedh n\u00eb er\u00eb pajisjen. N\u00eb Europ\u00ebn me 27 \u00ebsht\u00eb pothuajse e pamundur t\u00eb arrihet nj\u00eb konsensus, sidomos n\u00eb l\u00ebnd\u00eb delikate si ajo ushtarake dhe at\u00ebhere q\u00eb bien dakord Italia, Franca dhe Gjermania dhe i japin jet\u00eb nj\u00eb b\u00ebrthame t\u00eb aft\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00eb hopi cil\u00ebsor institucional. Le t\u00eb mendojm\u00eb p\u00ebr ndonj\u00eb form\u00eb federative q\u00eb parashikon nj\u00eb p\u00ebrq\u00ebndrim t\u00eb funksioneve t\u00eb politik\u00ebs s\u00eb jashtme. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb pik\u00eb do t\u00eb b\u00ebhej e ar\u00ebsyeshme t\u00eb hipotezohej formimi i forcave t\u00eb armatosura t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebta.<\/p>\n

Duke pranuar se \u00ebnd\u00ebrra do t\u00eb realizohej, a nuk do t\u00eb p\u00ebrkthehej n\u00eb nj\u00eb trek\u00ebnd\u00ebsh me drejtim francez?<\/strong><\/p>\n

N\u00eb rrethana t\u00eb zakonshme ka mund\u00ebsi Hegzagoni do t\u00eb ngrihej primus inter pares<\/em>, por koniuktura n\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebn gjendemi \u00ebsht\u00eb e jasht\u00ebzakonshme. Gjermania p\u00ebrgatitet p\u00ebr fundin e epok\u00ebs Merkel dhe \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebrkim t\u00eb kancelarit t\u00eb ardhshm. N\u00eb Franc\u00eb presidenti Macron dergjet n\u00eb nj\u00eb situat\u00eb dob\u00ebsie ekstreme, d\u00ebshmuar edhe nga letra e firmosur prillin e kaluar nga oficer\u00eb t\u00eb lart\u00eb ushtrie q\u00eb i kritikonin pun\u00ebn. Kurse Italia mund t\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetet mbi Draghi, lideri i vet\u00ebm i aft\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb grumbulloj\u00eb konsensus n\u00eb Europ\u00eb. Ka mund\u00ebsi edhe P\u00ebrtejoqeanit, duke par\u00eb q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb shum\u00eb komode t\u00eb disponohen vende satelite, por \u00ebsht\u00eb ende m\u00eb shum\u00eb t\u2019i kesh si referim nj\u00eb bashk\u00ebbisedues i perceptuar si parietik, edhe pse vendi q\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebson nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb aspak. Prandaj theksoj se ekzistojn\u00eb kushtet minimale p\u00ebr trek\u00ebnd\u00ebshin Itali \u2013 Franc\u00eb \u2013 Gjermani.<\/p>\n

Italia dhe Gjermania do t\u00eb b\u00ebheshin fuqi b\u00ebrthamore.<\/strong><\/p>\n

Jan\u00eb tashm\u00eb, megjith\u00ebse jo formalisht. Kemi arm\u00eb b\u00ebrthamore n\u00eb territorin ton\u00eb, p\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr t\u00eb kota sipas profilit ushtarak dhe gjeopolitik. Gjat\u00eb Luft\u00ebs s\u00eb Ftoht\u00eb repartet Strike, dometh\u00ebn\u00eb t\u00eb pajisura me kapacitete operative bombardimi me pajisje atomike, kishin nj\u00eb koh\u00eb reagimi prej 15 minutash. Gadishm\u00ebri q\u00eb sipas \u00e7do gjase sot matet me dit\u00eb apo me jav\u00eb. Dhe pastaj, duke marr\u00eb n\u00eb konsiderat\u00eb q\u00eb st\u00ebrvitja relative e aleat\u00ebve mund t\u00eb vazhdoj\u00eb n\u00eb largosi fal\u00eb edhe sistemeve moderne t\u00eb simulimit, pse t\u00eb mos kihet parasysh gjendja e artit dhe t\u00eb spostohen bombat n\u00eb Afrik\u00eb? Duke vepruar k\u00ebshtu, do t\u00eb shtonim nj\u00eb shkall\u00eb struktur\u00ebs s\u00eb eskalimit. P\u00ebr m\u00eb tep\u00ebr, nga pik\u00ebpamja gjeopolitike, do t\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsonte nj\u00eb gjest hapjeje dhe vullneti t\u00eb mir\u00eb p\u00ebrball\u00eb t\u00eb cilit Moska do t\u00eb t\u00ebrhiqej prapa. Duke q\u00ebndruar fuqimisht se n\u00eb Europ\u00ebn Per\u00ebndimore dhe n\u00eb Shtetet e Bashkuara natyrisht q\u00eb askush nuk beson v\u00ebrtet se Rusia synon t\u00eb kthehet n\u00eb Varshav\u00eb apo n\u00eb Berlin. Frik\u00ebra q\u00eb megjithat\u00eb do t\u00eb zgjasin tjet\u00ebrkund, sidomos n\u00eb vendet balltike dhe n\u00eb Poloni.<\/p>\n

Nga perspektiva amerikane, mbi t\u00eb cilat zona duhet t\u00eb p\u00ebrq\u00ebndrohemi ne italian\u00ebt dhe europianoper\u00ebndimor\u00ebt e tjer\u00eb?<\/strong><\/p>\n

Komenti i fundit i sekretarit amerikan t\u00eb Mbrojtjes Lloyd Austin, i cili ka deklaruar se britanik\u00ebt do t\u00eb ishin m\u00eb t\u00eb dobish\u00ebm \u201caf\u00ebr sht\u00ebpis\u00eb\u201d sesa n\u00eb Azi \u00ebsht\u00eb indikativ. Par\u00eb nga Uashingtoni, kuadri gjeostrategjik imponon t\u00eb sqarohen prioritete n\u00eb baz\u00eb t\u00eb t\u00eb cilave t\u00eb imponohet prania e tij ushtarake jasht\u00eb vendit. E p\u00ebrkthyer, mesazhi i Austin n\u00ebnkupton: merruni me kuadratin tuaj, se p\u00ebr Indo \u2013 Paq\u00ebsorin mendojm\u00eb ne. Europian\u00ebt duhet t\u00eb menaxhojn\u00eb paras\u00ebgjithash Afrik\u00ebn dhe Mesdheun, kolateralisht Lindjen e Mesme. P\u00ebr sa i p\u00ebrjet Rusis\u00eb, qysh n\u00eb 2008 \u2013 2009 propozoja q\u00eb ta shikonim luft\u00ebn ruso \u2013 gjeorgjiane n\u00eb optik\u00ebn historike. Sepse sfidat q\u00eb na presin neve europian\u00ebve jan\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdha, nga pik\u00ebpamja ekonomike, demografike, terroriste e t\u00eb tjera. Nuk mund t\u2019ia kalojm\u00eb vet\u00ebm. Duhet t\u00eb b\u00ebjm\u00eb front t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt me Federat\u00ebn Ruse n\u00eb sektor\u00ebt me interes t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt. Duhet gjetur m\u00ebnyra e diskutimit me rus\u00ebt, aleat\u00ebt ton\u00eb natyral\u00eb, duke ndar\u00eb detyrat. Sot ekzistojn\u00eb ende hap\u00ebsirat p\u00ebr nj\u00eb dialog, por duhetn shmangur q\u00ebndrimet provokatore. Pastaj, n\u00ebse problemi amerikan \u00ebsht\u00eb Kina, pse ia kan\u00eb dhuruar Rusis\u00eb?<\/p>\n

P\u00ebrsa i p\u00ebrket Italis\u00eb, cilat do t\u00eb jen\u00eb efektet e katastrof\u00ebs afganase mbi projektimin ton\u00eb t\u00eb jasht\u00ebm?<\/strong><\/p>\n

Vendi yn\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb i privuar nga vizioni strategjik. D\u00ebrgojm\u00eb ushtar\u00eb v\u00ebrdall\u00eb n\u00ebp\u00ebr bot\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb treguar se ekzistojm\u00eb. \u00cbsht\u00eb instrumenti kryesor i politik\u00ebs ton\u00eb t\u00eb jashtme, pavar\u00ebsisht shkurtimeve n\u00eb shpenzimet ushtarake. Shkurtime q\u00eb na kan\u00eb detyruar t\u00eb racionalizojm\u00eb resurset, edhe pse n\u00eb m\u00ebnyra t\u00eb ndryshme midis Aviacionit, Ushtris\u00eb dhe Marin\u00ebs. N\u00eb vitet e fundit buxheti \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrq\u00ebndrimi mbi misionet nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, mbi pagesat e personelit dhe mbi mbajtjen e mjeteve q\u00eb pa k\u00ebto fonde do t\u00eb ndryshkeshin n\u00ebp\u00ebr magazina. N\u00eb fundin e viteve Dhjet\u00eb t\u00eb 2000, mu shpreh admirim nga ana e nj\u00eb njeriu ton\u00eb qeverisja prej efikasitetit dhe kapacitetit t\u00eb treguar nga forcat tona t\u00eb armatosura, pavar\u00ebsisht shkurtimeve t\u00eb p\u00ebsuara. P\u00ebr t\u00eb n\u00ebnvizuar se kishte graso p\u00ebr t\u00eb shkurtuar. Vendimmarr\u00ebsve tani u difekton qartazi koncepti i menaxhimit t\u00eb rrezikut. Duke pasur parasysh se misionet nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare jan\u00eb teatri kryesor i p\u00ebrdorimit t\u00eb forcave tona, resurset q\u00eb vihen n\u00eb dispozicion jan\u00eb t\u00eb destinuara p\u00ebr ushtar\u00ebt dhe p\u00ebr mjetet n\u00eb disponim t\u00eb tyre. N\u00eb kurriz t\u00eb reparteve q\u00eb nuk mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrdoren n\u00eb misione nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare. Aq sa n\u00eb at\u00eb koh\u00eb m\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb k\u00ebrkuar q\u00eb t\u2019i nis t\u00eb gjitha tanket tona, n\u00eb rast se nuk do t\u00eb viheshin n\u00eb l\u00ebvizje nja 20, n\u00eb mos m\u00eb pak, dhe nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb e th\u00ebn\u00eb se, p\u00ebrve\u00e7 motorit, sistemet e tjera do t\u00eb funksiononin.<\/p>\n

Bota rreth nesh ka ndryshuar dhe vazhdon q\u00eb t\u00eb l\u00ebviz\u00eb, duke filluar nga bregu jugor i Mesdheut, ku jan\u00eb t\u00eb instaluar turqit dhe rus\u00ebt. Megjithat\u00eb vazhdojm\u00eb t\u00eb shpjegojm\u00eb ushtar\u00eb n\u00eb vende p\u00ebr ne strategjike, si n\u00eb Mali. \u00c7far\u00eb po b\u00ebjm\u00eb?<\/strong><\/p>\n

\u00cbsht\u00eb nj\u00eb prani thjesht skenografike. D\u00ebrgojm\u00eb trupa vet\u00ebm pse na e k\u00ebrkojn\u00eb aleat\u00ebt ose p\u00ebr motive elektorale, t\u00eb brendshme. K\u00ebshtu demonstrojm\u00eb \u2013 shtiremi, n\u00eb rastin e Malit \u2013 se kurojm\u00eb n\u00eb rr\u00ebnj\u00eb fenomene si ai migrator. Edhe pse p\u00ebr t\u00eb tejkaluar rezistenc\u00ebn e partner\u00ebve tan\u00eb europian\u00eb, t\u00eb till\u00eb si francez\u00ebt, q\u00eb nga ana tjet\u00ebr n\u00eb Mali deri pak koh\u00eb m\u00eb par\u00eb nuk na donin. Libri i Bardh\u00eb p\u00ebr Sigurin\u00eb dhe Mbrojtjen i paraqitur n\u00eb 2015 nga ministrja e at\u00ebhershme e Mbrojtjes Roberta Pinotti e p\u00ebrkufizon, anipse n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb gjenerike, zonat tona e interesit par\u00ebsor. Ama ka mbetur let\u00ebr e vdekur dhe sot flitet tashm\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb hartuar nj\u00eb t\u00eb ri. Problemi nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb t\u00eb mbash nj\u00eb lib\u00ebr t\u00eb bardh\u00eb, por ta konkretizosh dhe k\u00ebtu peshojn\u00eb diatribat midis arm\u00ebve. N\u00eb terma t\u00eb ndarjes s\u00eb resurseve, por edhe tl\u00eb teatrove t\u00eb interesit. P\u00ebr shembull, p\u00ebr Marin\u00ebn, Mesdheu i zgjeruar shkon nga Gjiri i Guines\u00eb tek brigjet per\u00ebndimore t\u00eb Indis\u00eb, nd\u00ebrsa, p\u00ebr Aeronautik\u00ebn, p\u00ebrfshin Island\u00ebn, Balltikun e k\u00ebshtu me radh\u00eb.<\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/strong><\/p>\n

Duke u kthyer tek Afganistani: \u00ebsht\u00eb themelore teza nga ana e aparateve amerikane p\u00ebr t\u00eb cil\u00ebn t\u00ebrheqja e Per\u00ebndimit do t\u2019i detyroj\u00eb kinez\u00ebt dhe rus\u00ebt q\u00eb t\u00eb merren me kaosin lokal, duke drejtuar resurse p\u00ebrndryshe t\u00eb shpenzueshme n\u00eb raport me Amerik\u00ebn?<\/strong><\/p>\n

Pekini dhe Moska nuk synojn\u00eb aspak q\u00eb ta kontrollojn\u00eb Kabulin. N\u00ebse do t\u00eb ekzistojn\u00eb kushtet p\u00ebr ta b\u00ebr\u00eb, mir\u00eb se t\u00eb vij\u00eb, ama p\u00ebr Kin\u00ebn dhe Rusin\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme \u00ebsht\u00eb q\u00eb Afganistani t\u00eb mos p\u00ebrb\u00ebj\u00eb nj\u00eb k\u00ebrc\u00ebnim p\u00ebr sigurin\u00eb e tyre dhe nuk besoj se \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb interesin e taliban\u00ebve t\u00eb kthehen e t\u00eb mir\u00ebpresin centrale terroriste. Edhe profili shum\u00eb i ul\u00ebt i mbajtur nga taliban\u00ebt ndaj ujgur\u00ebve, pavar\u00ebsisht p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebsis\u00eb fetare, synon n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb drejtim. Rikthimi i taliban\u00ebve nuk p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebson ndonj\u00eb problem p\u00ebr kinez\u00ebt dhe rus\u00ebt. Problemi do t\u00eb jet\u00eb krejt\u00ebsisht afganas. Ekziston rreziku serioz q\u00eb t\u00eb rifilloj\u00eb konflikti civil, si\u00e7 po shihet k\u00ebto dit\u00eb. Jan\u00eb t\u00eb shumta t\u00eb \u00e7arat gjeopolitike brenda vendit. Rreziku q\u00eb r\u00ebndon sidomos mbi zonat me p\u00ebrzierje t\u00eb fort\u00eb etnike, fetare, kulturore. N\u00eb rast se merret n\u00eb konsiderat\u00eb paq\u00ebndrueshm\u00ebria e nj\u00eb pranie talibane n\u00eb territor taxhik dhe anasjelltas apo nj\u00eb vendosje e hazarasve, gjithmon\u00eb t\u00eb konsideruar si pari, q\u00eb ka mund\u00ebsi do t\u00eb shtypen nga pashtun\u00ebt, etni tek e cila taliban\u00ebt kan\u00eb rr\u00ebnj\u00ebt. N\u00ebse k\u00ebsaj situate strukturore i shtohen hap\u00ebsirat q\u00eb hapen p\u00ebr falangat terroriste, at\u00ebhere e ardhmja afganase paraqitet gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb e err\u00ebt, si\u00e7 po demonstrohet gjer\u00ebsisht nga atentatet e p\u00ebrgjakshme e koh\u00ebve t\u00eb fundit n\u00eb nj\u00eb kolegj fem\u00ebror dhe n\u00eb aeroportin e Kabulit.<\/p>\n

Rikthimi i taliban\u00ebve \u00ebsht\u00eb edhe nj\u00eb fitore p\u00ebr Islamabadin. Cila \u00ebsht\u00eb shkalla e kontrollit talibanas nga Pakistani, sidomos n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet sh\u00ebrbimeve t\u00eb tij sekrete (ISI)?<\/strong><\/p>\n

Mb\u00ebshtetja e dh\u00ebnl nga ISI p\u00ebr taliban\u00ebt ka qen\u00eb totale, por nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrkthyer kurr\u00eb n\u00eb kontrollin e plot\u00eb nga ana pakistane. Objektivi i Islamabad ishte q\u00eb t\u00eb shmangej \u00e7do nd\u00ebrhyrje e Indis\u00eb dhe k\u00ebt\u00eb e ka arritur, tani e ndjen m\u00eb pak nevoj\u00ebn q\u00eb t\u00eb shuhet. Problemi ka t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb me Amerik\u00ebn, e prirur q\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrq\u00ebndroj\u00eb resurset n\u00eb funksion antikinez dhe t\u00eb rekrutoj\u00eb ushtar\u00eb. Thelb\u00ebsore n\u00eb frenimin e Kin\u00ebs, India \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb fakt e zhg\u00ebnjyera e madhe e menaxhimit amerikan p\u00ebr t\u00ebrheqjen nga Afganistani. Rreziku konkret \u00ebsht\u00eb se mos rihapet \u00e7\u00ebshtja e Kashmirit, duke par\u00eb se enigma lokale gjeopolitike, pse jo edhe theksimin e tensionit n\u00eb trek\u00ebnd\u00ebshin Nju Delhi \u2013 Islamabad \u2013 Pekin.<\/p>\n

Si u p\u00ebrgjigjeni atyre q\u00eb mendojn\u00eb se ushtarak\u00ebt tan\u00eb kan\u00eb vdekur m\u00eb kot?<\/strong><\/p>\n

Bie dakord me kryeministrin Draghi, i cili ka n\u00ebnvizuar sesi sakrifica e 54 ushtar\u00ebve tan\u00eb nuk ka qen\u00eb e kot\u00eb. Kemi humbur njer\u00ebz, por q\u00eb gjith\u00ebsesi e kan\u00eb l\u00ebn\u00eb nj\u00eb shenj\u00eb n\u00eb Afganistan. Ka far\u00ebra q\u00eb t\u00eb sapolindura p\u00ebrgatiten t\u00eb lul\u00ebzojn\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb t\u00eb ardhme pakashum\u00eb t\u00eb af\u00ebrt: t\u00eb humburit e 1848 kan\u00eb p\u00ebrgatitur terrenin p\u00ebr bashkimin komb\u00ebtar pas vet\u00ebm 13 vitesh. Fatkeq\u00ebsisht, n\u00eb per\u00ebndim \u00e7\u00ebshtja afganase vazhdon t\u00eb ushqehet me buj\u00eb mediatkiko \u2013 emotive. \u00a0Nuk debatohen seriozisht aspektet vendimtare, gjeopolitike dhe strategjike. P\u00ebr ne italian\u00ebt, \u00ebsht\u00eb konfirmimi i asaj sa jemi provincial\u00eb dhe sip\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsor\u00eb. Ves i vjet\u00ebr, v\u00ebshtir\u00eb se mund t\u00eb zhduket.<\/p>\n

(nga Limes<\/em>)<\/p>\n

P\u00ebrgatiti<\/strong><\/p>\n

ARMIN TIRANA<\/strong><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Bashk\u00ebbisedim me gjeneralin Vincenzo Camporini, k\u00ebshilltar shkencor i Istituto Affari Internazionali, ish shef i Shtatmadhoris\u00eb s\u00eb Mbrojtjes. Si komandant ushtarak, si vler\u00ebsoni t\u00ebrheqjen e Shteteve t\u00eb Bashkuara dhe t\u00eb aleat\u00ebve NATO nga Afganistani? T\u00ebrheqja duhej t\u00eb konceptohej dhe t\u00eb zbatohej ndryshe. Do t\u00eb ishte e nevojshme nj\u00eb koncertim i brendsh\u00ebm n\u00eb Aleanc\u00ebn Atlantike p\u00ebr t\u00eb …<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":4,"featured_media":1204,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[42],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-756","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","","category-kulture"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/756","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/4"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=756"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/756\/revisions"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/1204"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=756"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=756"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=756"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}