{"id":9326,"date":"2022-04-13T09:45:38","date_gmt":"2022-04-13T09:45:38","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/?p=9326"},"modified":"2022-04-13T09:45:38","modified_gmt":"2022-04-13T09:45:38","slug":"serbia-e-vucicit-midis-rusise-dhe-europes","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/2022\/04\/13\/serbia-e-vucicit-midis-rusise-dhe-europes\/","title":{"rendered":"Serbia e Vu\u00e7i\u00e7it midis Rusis\u00eb dhe Europ\u00ebs"},"content":{"rendered":"<p>Presidenti i Serbis\u00eb Aleksandar Vu\u00e7i\u00e7 ka fituar 59% t\u00eb votave n\u00eb raundin e par\u00eb t\u00eb zgjedhjeve presidenciale, duke siguruar rizgjedhjen e menj\u00ebhershme, nd\u00ebrsa Partia Progresiste Serbe (SNS) e tij ka siguruar nj\u00eb mazhoranc\u00eb q\u00eb q\u00ebndrueshme, 43%, n\u00eb rinovimin e parlamentit: ky rezultat elokuent i vot\u00ebs serbe t\u00eb 3 prillit. Rivali i Vu\u00e7i\u00e7it, Zdravko Ponos, ish gjeneral i mb\u00ebshtetur nga siglat kryesore t\u00eb opozit\u00ebs, \u00ebsht\u00eb ndalur n\u00eb 18%, nd\u00ebrsa koalicioni q\u00eb e mb\u00ebshteste, \u201cT\u00eb bashkuar p\u00ebr fitoren e Serbis\u00eb\u201d, fiton 38 ul\u00ebse parlamentare nga 250. Asambleja Komb\u00ebtare serbe kthehet k\u00ebshtu t\u00eb ket\u00eb ul\u00ebse t\u00eb z\u00ebna nga opozita pas bojkotit t\u00eb 2020, kur ekzekutivi mb\u00ebshtetej n\u00eb besimin e 244 deputet\u00ebve. SNS \u00ebsht\u00eb partia e par\u00eb edhe n\u00eb Beograd, por ku opozita ka ecur m\u00eb mir\u00eb dhe zgjedhja e kryebashkiakut do t\u00eb varet nga aleancat e mundshme. P\u00ebrve\u00e7se nj\u00eb regres i m\u00ebtejsh\u00ebm p\u00ebr dmeokracin\u00eb serbe, vota e 3 prillit p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebson nj\u00eb k\u00ebmban\u00eb alarmi edhe p\u00ebr ekulibrat gjeopolitik\u00eb europian\u00eb, pse jo edhe p\u00ebr stabilitetin e Ballkanit.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Partia \u2013 shtet e presidentit<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>\u201cKam arritur t\u00eb b\u00ebj at\u00eb q\u00eb n\u00eb Serbi askush nuk kishte arritur ta b\u00ebnte\u201d, ka th\u00ebn\u00eb presidenti Vu\u00e7i\u00e7 pak or\u00eb pas mbylljes s\u00eb vendeve t\u00eb votimit. Referimi \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebr fitoren presidenciale t\u00eb raundit t\u00eb par\u00eb p\u00ebr her\u00eb t\u00eb dyt\u00eb, pas suksesit t\u00eb 2017, kur fitoi me 55% t\u00eb votave. Vet\u00ebk\u00ebnaq\u00ebsia paselektorale e Vu\u00e7i\u00e7it \u2013 e pasuar me nj\u00eb retorik\u00eb viktimiste dhe nj\u00eb gjestualitet t\u00eb p\u00ebrb\u00ebr\u00eb nga pauza t\u00eb gjata, shfryrje dhe tone t\u00eb err\u00ebta me t\u00eb cilat paraqitet si nj\u00eb martir q\u00eb po sakrifikohet p\u00ebr t\u00eb mir\u00ebn e kombit \u2013 b\u00ebn t\u00eb kaloj\u00eb n\u00eb plan t\u00eb dyt\u00eb nj\u00eb lloj erozioni i shtetit t\u00eb s\u00eb drejt\u00ebs i s\u00eb cil\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb idhtar. Me mbylljen e kutis\u00eb s\u00eb votimeve, Komisioni Elektoral ka pushuar s\u00eb dh\u00ebni t\u00eb dh\u00ebnat mbi pjes\u00ebmarrjen, nuk ka mbajtur konferenc\u00eb p\u00ebr shtyp dhe ka b\u00ebr\u00eb me dije se do t\u2019i botonte rezultatet e para t\u00eb h\u00ebn\u00ebn n\u00eb mbr\u00ebmje. Dhe at\u00ebhere ka qen\u00eb pik\u00ebrisht Vu\u00e7i\u00e7i ai q\u00eb ka komunikuar rezultatet zyrtare t\u00eb vendit, nga selia e partis\u00eb i s\u00eb cil\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb president, post q\u00eb d\u00eb t\u2019i lejoj\u00eb t\u00eb formoj\u00eb qeverin\u00eb e ardhshme. Nj\u00eb fotografi q\u00eb e mir\u00ebp\u00ebrfaq\u00ebson transformimin e partis\u00eb n\u00eb shtet, e kryer n\u00eb k\u00ebto vite nga Vu\u00e7i\u00e7i, dhe k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimi i tij ndaj autonomis\u00eb s\u00eb institucioneve demokratike. <em>State capture<\/em> n\u00eb Serbi \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrgatitur n\u00eb fakt me supremacin\u00eb e rolit t\u00eb partis\u00eb qeveris\u00ebse ndaj atyre t\u00eb organeve shtet\u00ebrore, tashm\u00eb t\u00eb privuara nga funksionet e tyre.<\/p>\n<p>Me suksesin e s\u00eb diel\u00ebs, Vu\u00e7i\u00e7i dhe SNS e tij hipotekojn\u00eb nj\u00eb rekord politik: t\u00eb qeveris\u00eb p\u00ebr m\u00eb shum\u00eb se 12 vjet. Nj\u00eb limit kohor q\u00eb n\u00eb 30 vitet e fundit nuk ishte tejkaluar as nga Sllobodan Milloshevi\u00e7i, as nga demokrat\u00ebt q\u00eb e shfron\u00ebsuan n\u00eb 2000 dhe n\u00ebse situata aktuale propozon analogji me epok\u00ebn e Milloshevi\u00e7it, at\u00ebhere autokracis\u00eb s\u00eb Vu\u00e7i\u00e7it i duhet njphour merita e nj\u00eb <em>upgrade<\/em> karshi paraardh\u00ebsit \u2013 t\u00eb cilit presidenti aktual i sh\u00ebrbeu si minist\u00ebr i Informacionit. Paras\u00ebgjithash, n\u00eb kufizimin e liris\u00eb s\u00eb shtypit. Sot Vu\u00e7i\u00e7i kontrollon m\u00eb shum\u00eb media se Milloshevi\u00e7i dhe e b\u00ebn me instrumenta duksh\u00ebm ligjor\u00eb: nga nj\u00ebra an\u00eb p\u00ebrdor presione fiskale ndaj testatave kritike, nga ana tjet\u00ebr vler\u00ebson transmetues dhe tabloid\u00eb proqeveritar\u00eb, edhe t\u00eb zhytura n\u00eb borxh me tatimet, me subvencione shtet\u00ebrore q\u00eb i mund\u00ebsojn\u00eb ta zgjeroj\u00eb propagand\u00ebn n\u00eb nivel komb\u00ebtar.<\/p>\n<p>Por p\u00ebrmir\u00ebsimi m\u00eb i r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm i Serbis\u00eb s\u00eb Vu\u00e7i\u00e7it karshi asaj t\u00eb Milloshevi\u00e7it \u00ebsht\u00eb se ka arritur t\u00eb siguroj\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetjen e Per\u00ebndimit. Pasi ka hequr rolin e radikalit q\u00eb n\u00eb vitet \u201990 projektonte \u201cSerbin\u00eb e Madhe\u201d, Vu\u00e7i\u00e7i e ka nd\u00ebrtuar ngjitjen e tij politike duke u prezantuar i lider pragmatik, njeriu i reformave, por sidomos europeist i bindur. Nj\u00eb mask\u00eb q\u00eb e ka g\u00ebnjyer leht\u00ebsisht nj\u00eb Bashkim Europian pak t\u00eb gatsh\u00ebm t\u2019i ndyj\u00eb duart me politik\u00ebn serbe. Karriera politike e Vu\u00e7i\u00e7it nuk do t\u00eb kishte pasur t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtin sukses sikur t\u00eb mos kishte pasur mb\u00ebshtetjen e Bashkimit Europian. Raporti midis institucioneve per\u00ebndimore dhe autokrat\u00ebve ballkanik\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb quajtur \u201cstabilitokraci\u201d. Ofert\u00ebs s\u00eb nj\u00eb stabiliteti t\u00eb duksh\u00ebm nga ana e qeverive lokale, i korrespondon mb\u00ebshtetja dhe legjitimimi politik i Per\u00ebndimit, shpesh n\u00eb kurrizin total t\u00eb standardeve demokratike.<\/p>\n<p>Ky raport \u00ebsht\u00eb problematik p\u00ebr t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn 3 motive. N\u00eb radh\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb sepse barazon respektin e shtetit t\u00eb s\u00eb drejt\u00ebs me nj\u00eb stabilitet, q\u00eb si\u00e7 e demonstrojn\u00eb edhe k\u00ebto zgjedhje, p\u00ebrkthehet ekskluzivisht n\u00eb forcimin e nj\u00eb partie t\u00eb vetme qeveris\u00ebse, dometh\u00ebn\u00eb me nj\u00eb keq\u00ebsim t\u00eb standardeve demokratike n\u00eb perspektiv\u00eb. N\u00eb radh\u00eb t\u00eb dyt\u00eb zbulon nj\u00eb inkoherenc\u00eb sistemike nga ana e Bashkimit Europian. Nd\u00ebrsa Brukseli k\u00ebrkon respektimin e shtetit t\u00eb s\u00eb drejt\u00ebs deri sa ta b\u00ebj\u00eb kusht t\u00eb domosdosh\u00ebm p\u00ebr fondet e bilancit, e nj\u00ebjta k\u00ebrkes\u00eb nuk ka qen\u00eb edhe kaq detyruese p\u00ebr Serbin\u00eb, vend kandidat p\u00ebr aderimin prej 10 vitesh, dometh\u00ebn\u00eb qysh kur SNS \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb qeveri.<\/p>\n<p>N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb periudh\u00eb, Komisioni Europian jo vet\u00ebm ka mbyllur nj\u00eb sy ndaj derivimit autoritar t\u00eb Vu\u00e7i\u00e7it, por ka legjitimuar edhe rrug\u00ebtimin europian duke e zgjedhur si \u201ckryetarin\u201d e procesit t\u00eb integrimit n\u00eb Ballkan. Nj\u00eb titull q\u00eb Serbia e ndan bashk\u00eb me Malin e Zi, t\u00eb cilit Komisioni Europian i progonostikoi n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb paksa ambicioze integrimin p\u00ebrfundimtar p\u00ebr vitin 2025; nj\u00eb shkall\u00eb m\u00eb posht\u00eb ndjekin Shqip\u00ebria dhe Maqedonia Veriore \u2013 vend q\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb s\u00eb t\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00eb ka investuar n\u00eb reforma, duke filluar nga emri i ri \u2013 hapja e negociatave t\u00eb aderimit t\u00eb s\u00eb cil\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb vonuar shum\u00eb her\u00eb. Bashkimi Europian mund t\u00eb mir\u00ebpres\u00eb shpejt n\u00eb gjirin e tij nj\u00eb autokraci q\u00eb ka kontribuar t\u00eb krijoj\u00eb, me rrezikun q\u00eb kjo t\u00eb degjeneroj\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb version politik t\u00eb \u201csindromit t\u00eb Frankenshtajnit\u201d: dometh\u00ebn\u00eb nj\u00eb vend an\u00ebtar q\u00eb nuk ndjek m\u00eb parimet e krijuesit t\u00eb tij. S\u00eb fundi, <em>stabilitokracia<\/em> \u00ebsht\u00eb problematike sepse mb\u00ebshteja europiane ka pasur vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb q\u00ebllim gjeopolitik: ta heq\u00eb Serbin\u00eb nga influenca e superfuqive t\u00eb tjera. Nj\u00eb kalkulim strategjik q\u00eb n\u00eb fakt nuk ka b\u00ebr\u00eb gj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr ve\u00e7se ka ushqyer l\u00ebkundjen e Belgradit midis Lindjes dhe Per\u00ebndimit, pa \u00e7uar n\u00eb \u201cankorimin\u201d e tij.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Nj\u00eb vot\u00eb p\u00ebr Putinin?<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>N\u00eb vigjilje t\u00eb vot\u00ebs, nj\u00eb prej element\u00ebve q\u00eb mund t\u00eb nxirrte mb\u00ebshtetjen p\u00ebr Vu\u00e7i\u00e7in, q\u00eb n\u00eb 10 vite \u00ebsht\u00eb rritur nj\u00eb zgjedhje pas tjet\u00ebrs, deri sa t\u00eb prek\u00eb rreth gjysm\u00ebn e elektoratit, ishte raporti me Rusin\u00eb, n\u00ebn reflektor\u00ebt qysh kur ka filluar pushtimi i Ukrain\u00ebs. Reagimi i Beogradit ndaj agresionit rus ka qen\u00eb koherent me politik\u00ebn e tij 10 vje\u00e7are t\u00eb k\u00ebmb\u00ebs n\u00eb dy pika: mbrojtje t\u00eb integritetit territorial t\u00eb Ukrain\u00ebs, n\u00eb linj\u00eb me Per\u00ebndimin, por asnj\u00eb sanksion Mosk\u00ebs; ve\u00e7 t\u00eb tjerash, Rusia \u00ebsht\u00eb edhe nj\u00eb aleat strategjik i Serbis\u00eb n\u00eb pengimin e procesit t\u00eb pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs.<\/p>\n<p>Mgjithat\u00eb, Vu\u00e7i\u00e7i e di se lufta n\u00eb Ukrain\u00eb shpejt mund ta detyroj\u00eb t\u00eb marr\u00eb nj\u00eb pozicion m\u00eb pak t\u00eb barazlarguar, d\u00ebm humbjen e mb\u00ebshtetjes europiane. P\u00ebr t\u00eb ruajtur k\u00ebt\u00eb ve\u00e7anti karakteristike diplomatike, qeveria e Vu\u00e7i\u00e7it mund t\u2019i drejtohet nj\u00eb stratagjeme t\u00eb politik\u00ebs s\u00eb brendshme: t\u00eb pilotoj\u00eb disa parti nacionaliste t\u00eb vogla p\u00ebr t\u00eb kapitalizuar, n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet tyre, edhe opinionin prorus. Ndoshta do t\u00eb jet\u00eb rasti i <em>Zavetnici<\/em>, formacion i s\u00eb djatht\u00ebs ekstreme q\u00eb t\u00eb diel\u00ebn ka kaluar pragun e pjes\u00ebmarrjes dhe do t\u00eb debutoj\u00eb n\u00eb parlament. Kjo manov\u00ebr do t\u2019i mund\u00ebsonte Vu\u00e7i\u00e7it q\u00eb t\u00eb vazhdonte t\u00eb paraqitej n\u00eb syt\u00eb e Per\u00ebndimit si nj\u00eb lider europeist, duke ia deleguar lidhjen me \u201cv\u00ebllaz\u00ebrin\u00eb ruse\u201d aleat\u00ebve t\u00eb Partis\u00eb Socialiste, pse jo edhe parive satelite q\u00eb deri t\u00eb diel\u00ebn e kaluar merrnin pjes\u00eb n\u00eb t\u00eb ashtuquajtur\u00ebn \u201copozit\u00eb sistemike\u201d.<\/p>\n<p>Faktikisht, p\u00ebr Beogradin raporti me Mosk\u00ebn \u00ebsht\u00eb i domosdosh\u00ebm: vetoja ruse n\u00eb K\u00ebshillin e Sigurimit t\u00eb Kombeve t\u00eb Bashkuara \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb sigurim kund\u00ebr vet\u00ebvendosjes nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare t\u00eb Prishtin\u00ebs, por \u201cv\u00ebllaz\u00ebria ruse\u201d \u00ebsht\u00eb edhe nj\u00eb instrument i dobish\u00ebm i retorik\u00ebs nacionaliste: rikompakt\u00ebson elektoratin me instrumentalizimin e element\u00ebve kulturor\u00eb dhe religjioz\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt me vendin e madh sllav dhe rrit nj\u00eb kund\u00ebrv\u00ebnie ideologjike dhe gjeopolitike me bot\u00ebn pr\u00ebndimore, q\u00eb qarqe nacionaliste ende e faj\u00ebsojn\u00eb si p\u00ebr bombardimet e NATO t\u00eb 1999, ashtu edhe p\u00ebr nd\u00ebrhyrjet e supozuara n\u00eb procesin e shp\u00ebrb\u00ebrjes jugosllave. K\u00ebshtu q\u00eb nacionalizmi do t\u00eb mbes\u00eb nj\u00eb kart\u00eb thelb\u00ebsore p\u00ebr qeverin\u00eb e ardhshme, i dobish\u00ebm p\u00ebr t\u00eb ruajtur statuskuon\u00eb p\u00ebr Kosov\u00ebn, ashtu edhe si p\u00ebr t\u00eb kultivuar at\u00eb \u201cbot\u00eb serbe\u201d q\u00eb lidh nacionalist\u00ebt e Bosnjes e t\u00eb Malit t\u00eb Zi me atdheun. P\u00ebr rajonin ballkanik kjo d\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrkthehet n\u00eb nj\u00eb pasiguri m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe gjeopolitike n\u00eb avantazhin e Mosk\u00ebs, q\u00eb me fitoren e Vu\u00e7i\u00e7it e di se mund ta ruaj\u00eb influenc\u00ebn e saj n\u00eb Ballkan.<\/p>\n<p>N\u00eb konkluzion, sfida m\u00eb e madhe do t\u00eb bjer\u00eb n\u00eb kok\u00ebn e Brukselit: ta p\u00ebrshpejtoj\u00eb at\u00eb proces integrimi q\u00eb n\u00eb Ballkan \u00ebsht stanjant prej vitesh, duke e braktisur <em>stabilitokracin\u00eb<\/em> dhe duke k\u00ebmb\u00ebngulur m\u00eb shum\u00eb mbi respektimin e shtetit t\u00eb s\u00eb drejt\u00ebs, dhe duke v\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb praktik\u00eb konkretisht at\u00eb mision gjeopolitik me t\u00eb cilin lindi Komisioni Europian aktual.<\/p>\n<p>(nga <em>Aspen Institute<\/em>)<\/p>\n<p><strong>P\u00ebrgatiti<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><strong>ARMIN TIRANA<\/strong><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Presidenti i Serbis\u00eb Aleksandar Vu\u00e7i\u00e7 ka fituar 59% t\u00eb votave n\u00eb raundin e par\u00eb t\u00eb zgjedhjeve presidenciale, duke siguruar rizgjedhjen e menj\u00ebhershme, nd\u00ebrsa Partia Progresiste Serbe (SNS) e tij ka siguruar nj\u00eb mazhoranc\u00eb q\u00eb q\u00ebndrueshme, 43%, n\u00eb rinovimin e parlamentit: ky rezultat elokuent i vot\u00ebs serbe t\u00eb 3 prillit. Rivali i Vu\u00e7i\u00e7it, Zdravko Ponos, ish &hellip;<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":4,"featured_media":9327,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[42],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-9326","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","","category-kulture"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/9326","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/4"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=9326"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/9326\/revisions"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/9327"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=9326"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=9326"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/rdnews.al\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=9326"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}